June 19 , 2009

Cairo and Beyond
By Mowahid Hussain Shah

 

By addressing the Muslim world from Cairo during the initial days of his Presidency, Obama has implicitly acknowledged that the shape of things to come during the 21 st century will hinge on how the breach between the West and the Muslim world would be bridged. Obama was prompted by concerns that US actions were galvanizing radical rage. It was a daring overture given the parameters, pressures, and priorities of US polity and society. The tone was not that of a lecture. It was respectful and the content filled with a moral message anchored in Islamic values.

Obama’s speech shows the persuasive power of ideas and imagination. Indeed, his words have made more headway in the Muslim world than all the bombs, missiles, sanctions, and threats could have achieved. The force of argument proved more telling than the argument of force.

The site of the speech at Cairo University is rife with symbolism. Sayed Qutb, the dean of radical Islamic thought, graduated from Cairo University. Mohammed Atta, the alleged spearhead of the 9/11 hijackers, studied at Cairo University. The Muslim Brotherhood originated from Egypt, led by its founder Hassan al-Banna, in 1928. Then, too, Gamal Abdel Nasser took on the West when he seized the Suez Canal in 1956. And, like Lahore in the Subcontinent, Cairo is also the intellectual and cultural hub of Arabdom.

By publicly criticizing Israeli occupation policies, Obama may have created valuable space for the silent majority of thinking Americans who privately express profound reservations about the direction of US-Israeli ties. Obama’s use of Islamic vocabulary and his pledge to contest negative stereotyping of Islam was a refreshing contrast to the polarizing bigotry which had characterized the Bush-Cheney administration.

One speech may mark a step forward but it is insufficient by itself to erase a legacy of mistrust and discord.

It takes two to tango. The time is ripe for a response from the 57-nation Muslim world which form nearly one-third of the world’s nation states. The Muslim world may have world-class resources but its rulers lack world-class vision and will.

The Arab establishment has been a Trojan horse for outside intervention and conflicts in the Muslim world, financing Iraq in 1980-88 in its war against Iran and, in 1990, inviting US troops into the Arabian peninsula to dismantle Iraq. Publicly, it complains about Israel. Privately, it warns Western policy-makers about the ‘threat’ posed by Iran. This inconsistency has helped stoke the embers of radical fury.

To meet the challenge raised by Obama’s outreach, a four-pronged strategy may need to be developed:

(1) Islamic veto. The 1.5 billion strong Muslim community has to develop a de facto Islamic veto power in the UN Security Council. Muslims should be players, not spectators. Otherwise, the United Nations will continue to be used as a key tool of Big Power machinations. On November 29, 1947, the United Nations voted for the partition of Palestine which led to the formation of Israel. 43 years later, on November 29, 1990, the United Nations voted (resolution 678) for use of force against Iraq. Both resolutions were mid-wifed by the United States, essentially favoring Israel.

(2) Pan-Islamic Force. A pan-Islamic force can be formed under the aegis of a rejuvenated OIC – it is not too late to rejuvenate it – composed of Muslim countries with the men and materiel to take responsibility for inter-Muslim disputes and deter against outside intervention.

(3) Islamic Fund. A significant sum of money needs to be set aside to focus on educational and technological uplift. Also, it can lay the foundations of international caliber Muslim think-tanks which can prepare battle-ready youth to compete in the battle of ideas.

(4) Rule of Law. Although Islamic teachings envisage a just and egalitarian social order, in practice, arbitrary rule prevails. Existing setups pamper the privileged few and quash legitimate expectations for a better life of the many.

Finally, governance gaps in Muslim state systems and moral failures of ruling elites breed frustration and fury. This has given space for violent militancy, with its appeal to zealous piety, to flourish. The core obstacle to overcome lies within. It has to do with the narrow interests of parasitical ruling classes.

1400 years ago, Hazrat Ali gave this advice:

"Remember, the privileged few will not rally round you in moments of difficulty; they will try to side-track justice, they will ask for more than they deserve and will show no gratitude for favors done to them. They will feel restive in the face of trials and will offer no regret for their shortcomings. It is the common man who is the strength of the State and of Religion."

It remains a salutary reminder today.