East Did Meet West
By Dr. Rizwana Rahim
TCCI, Chicago, IL


Kipling presented it as some kind of an inevitability, but “the twain” – ‘East’ and ‘West’ – have ‘met’ since, in more ways and places than one, as ‘they’ had been doing for over three centuries before he wrote the opening lines of ‘The Ballad of East and West’ (1899): “East is East and West is West, and never the twain shall meet / Till Earth and Sky stand presently at God’s great Judgment Sea.”
He was speaking for ‘the West’ in general, but even if he had used his ‘poetic license’ for the colonial Britain, he’d still be wrong. Kipling, “a man of permanent contradictions” who also wrote the controversial ‘The White Man’s Burden’ in the same year as the above ‘Ballad’, was himself bi-cultural: born (Joseph Rudyard K.) in Bombay where his father taught (in JeeJeebhoy School of Art), he spent his early childhood in India under the care of an ayah, then was shipped to boarding schools in England, only to return to India in 1882 to work as a journalist. Interestingly, he ‘The Ballad’ published under his pseudonym “Yussuf” -- for ‘Joseph’, Kipling’s real given name. Though ridiculed for his jingoistic imperialism, “Time,” W. H. Auden thinks, “has pardoned Kipling and his views.”
The mixing of East and West or ‘crossing-over’ actually began some 12 years after Vasco da Gama’s three ships arrived in Calicut. The Portuguese took over Goa in 1510 -- a good 15 years before the Mughals entered India from the north. After conquering Goa, it seems, a Portuguese commander, Afonso de Albuquerque, ordered his soldiers to marry Muslim widows of men killed by his army. He even attended many weddings and gave dowries etc to the women (“fair Mooresses of pleasing appearance”). Although the women were later converted to Christianity, the coming generations in the next few decades reverted back to the Indian ways, and at the time of Portuguese Inquisition (1560), Goa looked more like Delhi than Lisbon.
Few accounts illustrate this East-West ‘cross-over’ (the British ‘going native’) better than a recent book “The White Mughals: Love and Betrayal in Eighteenth Century India” by William Dalrymple.* This intricate, multi-layered saga is basically about Khair-unnisa (then about 16) and Major James Achilles Kirkpatrick (34), their ill-starred liaison, marriage in 1800 and children (two), and their rather strange time together and apart -- all amid considerable intrigue and politics, and a dizzying number of people from both the ‘East’ and the ‘West. Khair-unnisa was one of the two daughters of Sharaf-unnisa and Mehdi Yar Jung, and a grand-daughter of Baqar Ali Khan (‘Akil-ud-Dowlah’) of the Shustari family of Hyderabad (India), with aristocratic lineage and deep political roots in Hyderabad; James, the young British Resident, or effectively an Ambassador of East India Company (1798-1805) at the Court of Nizam of Hyderabad (Nawab Mir Nizam Ali Khan, Asafjah II).

Set in the late 18th century Hyderabad during the British East India Company period, most of this wrenchingly convoluted story that begins in Hyderabad unfolds not just there alone but also in places like Calcutta (headquarters of Company’s Governor-General), Masulipatnam (Machlipatnam), and in England. This saga can be broadly divided into at least four parts: Khair-unnisa’s liaison and life with James; her life after James; their family and other related accounts after their deaths; and the author’s own research for the book (which in itself is quite a story). Quite apart from this is a rich ‘dramatis personae’ of many Hyderabadi and British notables of the times, and description of locales only those familiar with Hyderabad would know.
James Achilles Kirkpatrick was born in Madras (August 1764), the younger child of Col. James Kirkpatrick (“the Handsome Colonel”) who was with Madras Cavalry of the Company and Katherine Munro (daughter of the founder of the Madras hospital, Dr. Andrew Munro). They returned to England two years later. In 1798, when James was about 34, he was appointed as the Resident in Hyderabad, an immediate successor to his own older half-brother, William. Not too long thereafter, the new Resident adopted the ‘dress, customs and religions’ of India (“White Mughals”), or went ‘native’ -- not all that uncommon for the British or the Westerners in general! James was also known around Hyderabad as ‘Hashmut Jung Nawab Fakhr-ud-Dowlah Bahadur’, the title he had received from the Nizam.
In those pre-Victorian British East India Company days (1790s and earlier), Dalrymple notes, “wearing Indian costumes, marrying Indian wives and living a hybrid Anglo-Mughal life style, had always been more popular, and the transformations more dramatic, in these great centers of Mughal cultures [Hyderabad, Lucknow and Udaipur] than they were in the insular world of Presidency towns [Madras, Bombay, Calcutta].” He introduces quite a few of these so-called “White Mughals” in the book, and their lives in India. Hyderabad’s Asafjahi/Nizam culture of harems, multiple wives was part of the general decadence of that period in Mughal India, or ‘native immorality’ as the British used to call it, even though some of the British did also splurge in it. The state of affairs in the 18th century England wasn’t all that different: There, in those days, “as many as a third of all births were illegitimate,” according to ‘Bastardry and its Comparative History (Peter Laslett, Ed., 1980)’ which Dalrymple quotes.
James had already heard about the beauty of Khair-unnisa before he was invited to ‘meet’ her across the traditional purdah, during the wedding ceremony of Khair’s older sister, Nazir-unnisa. They developed an interest in each other soon thereafter, and ‘met’ some more, apparently facilitated by her mother and other family members. Before too long, their liaison was a public knowledge, with many attendant rumors. Eventually, they get married under strict security because, first, Khair was too visibly pregnant and, second, James had reportedly converted to Islam before marriage but he didn’t want to publicize it or this marriage (fear of repercussions from his employers). In the next two years, they had two children. James himself recorded their births this way: “born to me in the City of Hyderabad. His Mother from a Dream she had, wishes Him to be named Meer Goolam Ali, to which I mean to add that of Saheb Aallum [Lord of the World”, born at about 4 AM on Wednesday, 4 March 1801, 10th Shuwaul AH 1215; and Noor-oon Nisa, ‘Saheb Begum’, born between 8-9 AM on Friday, 9 April 1802, 5th Zehidge [sic] AH 1216 in “my House at The Residency (Hyderabad).”
The story isn’t all fairy-tale romantic, simple or straightforward! When James and Khair ‘met’, Khair was already engaged to Mohammed Ali Khan (son of Bahram ul-Mulk); the match was arranged by her grandfather but wasn’t acceptable to Khair’s mother, and she wanted a way out for the daughter. Because of this, James and people on his side thought that it probably was a setup to seduce him, facilitated by Khair’s mother and others, but Khair’s own feelings of love expressed to James himself were genuine and unquestionable (as were James’ own toward her). Khair had also threatened suicide if she lost James. It didn’t matter much at the time that James already had a son with another Indian woman (perhaps a Telugu). The marriage had the official Hyderabad blessing: At the ceremony, the Nizam himself acted on behalf of his “son” James, and the Nizam’s Minister, Aristu Jah Azim-ul-Omrah (‘Solomon’ to Kirkpatrick brothers), in place of Khair’s deceased father.
Khair first lived in her mother’s ‘deorhi’ in the old city near Charminar till the first one was born. And, then, James, while still denying this liaison to the Company in Calcutta, brought her into Residency complex and put Khair, the infant and Khair’s mother up in the not-too-spacious zenana of the Residency itself. Then, for Khair-unnisa, he began the construction of ‘Rang Mahal’ in the Residency gardens -- later described as an elegant architectural specimen of rare quality. However, a later Resident who thought it was as a specimen of ‘native immorality’ destroyed it (1860). Now all that remains of it is the gatehouse and “some fragments of the interior including what appears to be Khair’s ‘kabooter khana’, or pigeon house, an area in the Residency complex still known as ‘the Begum’s Garden’.
East India Co was investigating not only Jamess liaison, but his other actives also: His ‘going native’, his conversion to Islam, close association with the Nizam and the city itself, his faithfulness to the Company, and even the possibility of him being a ‘double agent’. Feeling harassed, he began devoting more time to his family life and his other interests: gardening, agriculture, real-estate, and construction projects. It was also the beginning of the end of the laissez-faire attitude of the British East India Company toward their employees involved in such decadence and morally questionable affairs. Since becoming Governor-General (1797), Lord Wellesley had insisted upon strict imperialistic approach toward the Indians; he detested the ‘White Mughals’ culture, particularly James’ behavior, from the reports furnished to him by James’ enemies.
Even though James survived Wellesley investigations, it was the Wellesley’s imperialistic approach of cultural separation that took hold and persisted till the British left India in 1947. However, what helped James survive them was his extraordinary service to the Company (the favorable deals he obtained for the Company, his extraordinary insight into the Mughal culture in general and of Hyderabad in particular, and his personal relationship with the Nizam) and support from his brother, William, and others. But it was not without a heavy price: his health, his family, his happiness, all suffered badly.
James had planned, as was the custom with the British in India, to send his kids to England for education and training. Khair knew that once they go she may not see them again, or for long. As the children set sail for England in 1805 (under the care of a group of four, including a Hyderabadi ayah and a manservant), their Muslim names and titles were replaced with Christian ones: ‘William George Kirkpatrick’ and ‘Katherine Aurora (‘Kitty’) Kirkpatrick’. They were baptized in London and were known by their Christian names for the rest of their lives. They grew up in Kent, mostly in the care of their grandfather, ‘Handsome Colonel’, with occasional visits with their uncle, William, in Exeter, but were prohibited from contacting their mother or the Indian side of the family.
Neither James nor Khair did see them again. James was invited to see Cornwallis, who had replaced Wellesley in Calcutta. Despite ill health, he took the arduous journey via Madras, but he reached after Cornwallis (on his second term in India) had died. James’ condition worsened after this needless travel. He ended up in the house of his niece, Barbara Isabella, wife of Charles Buller, MP, and a daughter of his half-brother, William. There, sensing his end was near, he wrote his will, and died literally among strangers on 15 October, 1805 (age 41), and was buried the same day in the Park Street Cemetery, with hurried but full military honors.
This is how Dalrymple describes the condition those days: “As the saying went, two monsoons was the average life-span of a European in Bengal; one year, out a total European population of 1200, over a third died between August and the end of December. Every year at the end of the monsoon in October, the survivors used to hold thanksgiving banquets to celebrate their deliverance.” He even quotes from the 1826 diary of a newly arrived Company wife: “Here people die one day and are buried the next. Their furniture is sold the third. They are forgotten the fourth….”
The news reached Hyderabad 18 days later. Just out of her teens, Khair-unnisa was already a widow, her husband buried in Calcutta and her children away in England. But this sad sage doesn’t end there.
[* “The White Mughals: Love and Betrayal in Eighteenth Century India” by William Dalrymple (ISBN: 0-670-03184-4, hardcover; 0 14 20.0412 X, paperback)] (To be continued)


 

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