Illogicus and the Dog Days of Summer
By Dr Ahmad Faruqui
Dansville, CA

During the hottest days of summer, the brightest star in the night sky turns invisible, as it rises and sets with the sun. This star, Sirius, was labeled the Dog Star by the ancient Egyptians and Romans and they called those hottest days the “dog days of summer.”
Over time, the term came to mean a period of intense heat and stagnation. Such a period took place in Pakistan during the last two weeks when General Musharraf stated his four guiding principles. Each principle contained within itself a perfect contradiction. If lined up against the sky, they would form a quadrilateral, with four stars at the points. This would appear as a new constellation among the heavens that the moderns might call Illogicus.
So what are the stars in Illogicus? The first one is Musharraf’s assertion that he cannot participate in politics because he is a soldier. Nevertheless, he has urged the people to support the ruling Pakistan Muslim League party if they want him to stay in power. That is how it got to be called the “king’s party.” He urges the people to unite under the leadership of Chaudhry Shujaat and to avoid discussing their differences with him in the media. Now if this is not political, then what is?
Second is his assertion, “I will also play my role.” His presidential powers exceed those of the prime minister, clearly contradicting his assertions that he does not act against the constitution. Musharraf took umbrage to the letter that was written by 56 parliamentarians belonging to the king’s party against Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz because in the general’s mind, it was an attack on his economic policies.
Third is his statement that the democratic process would continue uninterrupted with next year’s general elections. But he implied that he would continue wearing his uniform, as he has done for the last 40 years. Musharraf reiterated that the decision to doff the uniform would be made keeping in mind the “international, regional and national situation.” By so saying, he cut himself as much slack as General Zia had done by saying repeatedly that the future of Pakistan depended on democracy and democracy alone.
Fourth is his assessment that Pakistan has no external enemies and the main threats were internal, relating to extremism and sectarianism. At the same time, he calls for a strong defense against external enemies so that no one would cast an evil eye on Pakistan. His 15-year plan for making the Pakistan “impregnable” includes the acquisition of several squadrons of F-16 fighter aircraft from the US.
The $5.1 billion order includes 36 new F-16 C/Ds, weapon systems for the new fighters, “midlife upgrade” kits for 60 F-16 A/B aircraft in the PAF inventory and engine upgrades. Islamabad and Washington have argued that the deal would help Pakistan to continue its anti-terrorism operations. While Pakistani warplanes have played a steady role in operations against al-Qaeda forces operating near the border with Afghanistan, in most cases they have been helicopter gunships, not fighters.
The real intent of the F-16 deal is brought out by its inclusion of 700 short and medium range air-to-air missiles. These would be of no use against land-based guerillas. They are directed against the IAF squadrons, a point that has not been lost on New Delhi.
A general who seized power illegally through a coup but wishes to hide behind a democratic façade function cannot speak truthfully. That has been Musharraf’s predicament from Day One. His example stands in sharp contrast to that of three major military figures in American history. General George Washington, who won the Revolutionary War, General Ulysses S. Grant, who won the Civil War, and General Dwight D. Eisenhower, who won the Second World War in Europe. All three became national heroes as a result of their victories. And all three went on to become presidents but only after they had hung up their uniforms.
After securing victory for the US over Great Britain, Washington resigned his commission as Commander-in-Chief of the Army. His domestic stature was on par with that of Julius Caesar and Napoleon Bonaparte in earlier times. Since American political institutions were in their infancy, Washington could have hung on to power. Indeed, there was even some talk among his followers for making him a king. But Washington did not wish to make any lame arguments about staying in uniform to serve the national interest. When he was elected president, he was a civilian. By so doing, he established a tradition of civilian supremacy that has continued to this day.
At the end of the Civil War, the victorious Grant was the most revered man in the Union, perhaps even more so than President Lincoln. Lincoln’s tragic assassination a few months later provided him with the perfect opportunity to seize the reins of power. But he did not interrupt the constitutional process, which let the power flow to Andrew Johnson. Johnson proved to be an ineffective ruler and the Republican Party tapped Grant for the presidential nomination. In the ensuring elections, he easily defeated the Democratic challenger and became the eighteenth President of the US.
Eisenhower was wildly popular in the US since he was viewed as the person who saved the world from Adolph Hitler. After the war ended, he was named Chief of Army Staff but not once did he entertain the notion of seizing power. He was elected president after retirement.
So why did General Musharraf choose for himself a path littered with half-truths? Three reasons come to mind. The first one is the simplest. If you lie once, then you have to keep lying indefinitely. Having stated that his coup did not violate the constitution, Musharraf has put himself in a bind. Everyone knows he carried it out to save his career.
Second, he may well believe that he has a bigger-than-average mind that always acts in the national interest. In so doing, he seems to have read more into Ralph Waldo Emerson’s assertion — that consistency is the hobgoblin of small minds — than the American writer had intended.
Or, third, at some point in his intellectual development, Musharraf became enamored with the German philosopher Hegel and his system of dialectic logic, in which the thesis and anti-thesis ultimately lead to a grand synthesis. In Musharraf’s case, the grand synthesis between democracy and its antithesis, military rule, is the permanent inculcation of the military in governance with him at the helm. Whatever reasons underlie his rule, it has gone off like a damp squib.

 

 


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Editor: Akhtar M. Faruqui
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