Why it Makes Sense for Arab and Muslim Nations to Recognize Israel
By Professor Nazeer Ahmed
CA

It was June 1967. The second Arab-Israeli war had just ended with a crushing defeat for Syria, Egypt and Jordan. There was jubilation in the Israeli camp and gloom in the Arab camps. The United Nations was busy debating the conflict and the usual calls for a ceasefire and withdrawal to pre-war boundaries went out.
My good friend and a brilliant political analyst, the late Professor Eqbal Ahmad of Pakistan was at the time teaching international labor relations at Cornell University. He issued a statement that the UN would be debating the issue for decades to come, meaning, that there would be no quick withdrawal. He also said that the Israeli army was strong enough to beat back any conceivable combination of Arab armies.
Eqbal was literally roasted for his views by the Arab students at Cornell. Those were still heady days for Arab nationalism with the rhetoric of Gamal Abdel Nasser carrying many a head into the dizzy stratosphere and into a disastrous war with Israel.
What Eqbal said in 1967 is even truer today. Israel is by far the strongest military power in the Middle East and could easily defeat any conceivable combination of Arab armies. This fact alone should be sufficient for sober minds in the Arab world to think of a political accommodation with the state of Israel.
The antipathy towards Israel is not just confined to the Arab world. Israeli policies in the occupied territories have created a general animosity towards it in the broader Islamic world and in the global left-of-center political circles. The animosity is passionately reciprocated on the Israeli side.
The Israeli position is what it is because the United States either wants it that way or is tolerant of it. Whether one likes or not, the US is the sole global superpower with an iron grip on most of the Middle East. Rhetoric aside, no nation on earth can challenge the sway of the United States in that part of the world. This is the second reason to seek a political accommodation with Israel.
It is conventional wisdom that it takes seven generations to recover from defeat in a major war. That is about two hundred years. The Arabs lost the war of Palestinian succession in 1948. But they have refused to accept the verdict. And the mayhem goes on with a predictable pattern of occasional Arab pinpricks followed by massive Israeli retaliations.
Time is not on the Palestinian side. Israel continues to nibble at the undefined interface between it and the occupied territories. The longer Israel holds on to the West Bank the smaller the odds that the Palestinians will get back any of that land. A long, protracted negotiation will result in a settlement, if there is one, further to the advantage of the Israeli side. This is the third reason to recognize Israel, the sooner the better.
The Arab leaders have ill-served their own people. After the shrill demagoguery of Ahmed Shukairi in the 1950s came the insipid leadership of Yasser Arafat. When there was room to articulate a vision for his people Arafat could not articulate one. When there was a chance to negotiate peace he could not muster the courage to make peace. His organization was riddled with corruption inside and out. Likewise, the Arab leaders in the neighboring countries have kept alive the bogey of Palestinian-Israeli conflict to distract their people from their own wretched political environment. Demagogues on both sides of the conflict have exploited the usefulness of hate.
The unending war of Palestinian succession is a historical detour for the Arabs comparable in its impact to that of the Mongol invasions on Central Asia and Persia in the thirteenth century. It has exacerbated the internal contradictions in Arab societies, widened the fissures in the Arab body politic and spawned extremism of the most destructive kind. For over a hundred years it has kept the Arabs focused on an issue that they are unable or unwilling to revolve. Left unsolved, it will be another hundred years before they come to terms with it.
History must move on. The Arabs and Muslims must move from the past and confront their future; else, history will abandon them. This is the fourth reason to recognize Israel.
Recently, Ahmedinejad, the President of Iran reportedly called for Israel to be wiped off the map. As a student of history I find such voices to be a prelude to an unfolding tragedy. Every thinking person must repudiate and distance himself from such rhetoric.
It makes sense for the Arabs and the Muslim nations to recognize Israel because it is the right thing to do at the right time. This may be a dangerous position to take before a predominantly Arab and Muslim audience. Some medicines are bitter. It takes courage to push the envelope of acceptable political discourse. One may ask: How can the world forget the atrocities that are synonymous with Deir Yassin, Sabra and Chatilla? Have not the Palestinians long suffered under a ruthless occupation? These are legitimate questions. But two wrongs do not add up to a right. Vengeance is not justice. Only a right choice results in the right outcome. That is the true meaning of justice.
Lastly, it makes sense to recognize Israel because the alternative is a massive tragedy for all the peoples of the Middle East. Surely, this is not an outcome that any sane person would recommend for a region that was the cradle of human civilization and the birthplace of three of the major religions of man.
I was in Muzdalifa, after performing hajj in September 1977 when news broke that Anwar Sadat, then President of Egypt had gone to Jerusalem, ostensibly to pray at the Al Aqsa mosque. Anwar Sadat addressed the Israeli Knesset. “Egypt will not go to war again”, he vowed, “unless it is for the waters of the Nile”. The result was peace between Egypt and Israel. Egypt paid a heavy price between the wars of 1967 and 1971. The Israeli air force had bombed the city of Cairo at will and there was nothing that Egypt or their patrons in the former Soviet Union could do about it. The Suez Canal zone between Port Said and Port Suez looked like the cratered moon surface from daily Israeli bombings. Sadat extricated Egypt from the Palestinian quagmire. This was perhaps the only statesmanlike act of Sadat in his presidency, which was otherwise rampant with corruption.
Peace has its dividends. War exacts a price. The Middle East, mired in multiple conflicts, is falling behind year after year in every index of social and economic development. Without peace there is no space for social or economic reconstruction. A Middle East, inclusive of Israel has an opportunity to make its presence felt in the world. A Middle East, minus Israel will be further marginalized and slide into the backwaters of history.
Geopolitics is about power balance and power flows. Tough political issues cannot be solved through pious declarations, unending analyses, belligerent statements or sermons from bully pulpits. Negotiation, not continued confrontation, is the rational approach to resolve the issues of Palestinian nationhood, the right to return of the refugees or compensation for them, national boundaries, and the incontrovertible Muslim rights in the city of Al Quds that is Jerusalem.

 

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Editor: Akhtar M. Faruqui
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