Envisioning
a Post-Musharraf Political Order
By Ahmad Faruqui, PhD
Dansville, CA
The 60th anniversary of Pakistan’s
independence looms on the horizon. What better
time could there be for discussing the nation’s
long-term political order?
Some may argue that it is premature to discuss
the post-Musharraf dispensation, since the “Lord
of the Dual Offices” is firmly ensconced
in both the Presidency and the Army House. He
continues to command the support of President
Bush, recent tiffs with the American vice president
notwithstanding.
To the die-hard Musharraf’ites, even the
thought of discussing a future without the general
is anathema. The economy is doing well. They are
quick to tell you that the working man on the
streets of Lahore who is trying to make ends meet
does not care whether generals or civilians are
in charge as long as he can put bread on the family
table. And that the woman driving that swank BMW
on the streets of Karachi does not mind the fact
that economic disparities have risen, since that
makes membership in high society a more coveted
goal.
On the political front, Musharraf has succeeded
in deflecting the tensions arising out of his
decision to suspend the Chief Justice. True, the
Jamia Hafsia brigade is trying hard to impose
its harsh interpretation of Islam on Islamabad.
But the general has proven to be a survivor and
is not about to quit just yet.
One can expect him to come up with the cleverest
of stratagems when the going gets tough. For example,
he may well make Shaukat Aziz the fall guy for
the Chief Justice’s suspension. Like prior
prime ministers, Aziz serves at the pleasure of
the army chief and not vice versa. Unlike Nawaz
Sharif, he has no political constituency to fall
back upon and will leave without a fight.
That is what gives credibility to rumors that
Benazir Bhutto will become the next prime minister.
Should the general offer the post to her, she
can be expected to take it, whether he is in or
out of uniform.
But there will still come a day when Musharraf
will leave office, either on his own volition
or not. Kelsen’s law of necessity removes
military rulers as easily as it installs them.
Since it is impossible to know the terms of Musharraf’s
departure, it is impossible to predict who will
succeed him. We can’t even say whether that
person would be Musharraf’s deputy in the
army, a politician chosen by the army or a politician
who wins the next elections.
It is precisely this uncertainty about political
succession that casts a cloud on the nation’s
long-term future. Something has to change.
For too long, political debate in Pakistan has
centered on personalities, whether those were
in uniform or not. They all had their supporters
while they were in charge. Once they were dethroned,
their detractors seemed to crawl out of the ground,
like ants after the rain. Now the leaders were
called the worst of names. Listening to them,
one would conclude that Pakistan was the name
of a Shakespearean Kingdom, ruled alternatively
by lechers and fools and tyrants
By focusing on personalities rather than on issues,
the nation has neglected to develop its political
institutions. This is the fundamental problem.
Because of the lack of an institutional mooring,
Pakistan has lurched from crisis to crisis, like
a drunk lurching from pillar to post. More often
than not, major political decisions have been
made in the interest of individual expediency
rather than in the nation’s long-term interest.
It is time the debate shifted to issues, such
as the nurturing and development of civilian institutions.
How does one begin this conversation? For Pakistan
to survive for another 60 years, the next crop
of leaders will have to take a pledge that they
will uphold the Constitution at all cost. But
that will not suffice. A new system of checks
and balances will have to be created that guarantees
that no presidents, prime ministers, judges or
army chiefs will be fired without due process.
Such a system is codified in the rules that embody
civilized political conduct in the world’s
democracies. These are, of course, the very rules
on which Jinnah founded the country. But getting
the leaders to observe these rules in Pakistan
is easier said then done, my cynical friends tell
me.
But there is a way to make this happen. It is
premised on a new beginning, under which the leaders
in the post-Musharraf dispensation literally sign
a new “compact” between themselves
and the people. Such a “magna carta”
would enshrine the Five Principles outlined below.
A professional army. For way too long,
the army has been politicized. In the future,
it will accept its position as a creature of the
state, not regard itself as the state. The army
will foreswear that it will play any role in politics.
It will carry out the defense policies of the
state, not make them. The defense ministry will
prepare the defense budget, not the army. It will
be openly debated in parliament, not covered up
from the public.
An accountable executive.
Elected officials will rule the country but they
will not have a license to mint money for themselves.
If they don’t perform, they will be removed
through Constitutional means.
An independent judiciary.
The courts will uphold the Constitution and ensure
that rule of law prevails in Pakistan. They will
ensure that free and fair elections are held on
schedule.
A conscientious legislature.
It will ensure that the constitutional provision
of separation of powers between the executive,
the legislature and the judiciary is honored.
It will take on the job of expunging religious
extremism from the country’s psyche.
A normal relationship with India. Pakistan’s
foreign and defense policy in the first 60 years
has been India-centric in a negative way. The
arms race with India has diverted billions of
dollars that could be used for poverty alleviation
in Pakistan. It has to come to an end. In its
place should come enhanced bilateral cooperation
and trade, building on the positive synergies
created by the joint oil pipeline from Iran.
The Five Principles sound utopian, the cynics
will remind me. Yes, but they represent the only
way forward. The current dispensation, focused
on the single principle of an army chief who exercises
unity of command over all organs of state, is
the antithesis of Jinnah’s vision that was
based on separation of powers. No amount of “enlightenment”
can moderate its dictatorial character.
Once the old political order is gone, Pakistan
will truly gain its independence. Better late
than never, I say to the cynics.
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