Pakistanis Want New Faces and Good Governance
By Dr. Ghulam M. Haniff
St. Cloud, Minnesota

At this critical juncture in the short history of Pakistan the leadership of the nation faces the classical Hobsonian choice: that is, whether to create a foundation for good governance in the beleaguered country or to get mired down in mud-wrestling for the sake of chaos called democracy. 
The dominant theme in the public opinion at the moment is the quest for good governance based on the rule of law, transparency, stability and the expansion of citizen participation in the political process. Large segments of the society favor new faces in the political arena, bringing new ideas to the fore to foster economic growth and the welfare of the nation. 
After eight years of Musharraf’s rule some of the desirable elements of the public quest have shown signs of incipient growth. To this point many people feel politically empowered and have experienced positive tangible changes in their lives. They have also noticed that there is less bickering among politicians though that characteristic is unlikely to disappear anytime soon.
Many observers were surprised, including the lawyers in the vanguard of the uprising against Musharraf, at the failure of a mass movement to galvanize against the government. Large numbers of ordinary citizens did not join in. The relaxation of controls on the mass media during the past few years has clearly made the common people more politically aware.
Mass political demonstration in previous government crises did not bring the ordinary citizens any benefits except further agony and exploitation. This time around people were particularly suspicious of the lawyers, viewing them as opportunistic parasites, waiting for their turn at the public trough after the government is brought down. The relentless slogans calling for democracy did not appeal to them. 
After sixty years of nationhood people have clearly come to see that the government in the country is in the hands of feudal elite. This ruling junta favors the concentration of power in their hands at the expense of the common people who are mostly illiterate and ignorant.
The politicians are mostly from the feudal class and represent the interests of the feudal lords. A feudal gridlock on national decision-making prevents the country from moving forward. 
Substantially over half of the population in Pakistan is unable to read and write. The rulers ignore their needs and manipulate them for their votes. Majority of the Pakistanis live in rural areas where clean drinking water and health care is unavailable. They make their living at the mercy of capricious landlords. Regardless of who is in power in Islamabad the ordinary peasants find themselves to be bereft of hope for the future. 
Whatever happens in the cities is of no concern to the ordinary villager. However, the reforms instituted by Musharraf have, to some extent, affected lives in the countryside. What the rural dwellers want is governmental service which would make their lives more tolerable. 
In the recent crisis the loudest call for democracy has come from the two, twice disgraced, Prime Ministers. Both, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif have now returned to Pakistan after years of exile and, at their very arrival, the proverbial three-ring circus of Pakistani politics began anew. 
During their absence the masses of people became familiar with their plunder of the national treasury. Obviously, the duo wants to get-in again and shake the money tree to fill their pockets. In most Third World countries the state is a convenient vehicle for looting. There is no accountability on the actions of the top leaders. That is why many of individuals crave to become politicians. 
Shamelessly, the two, twice failed, Prime Ministers are vying again for the top position. This is the third time. Each one was twice deposed for incompetence. They failed miserably at their job. When Nawaz was kicked out Transparency International listed Pakistan as the most corrupt nation in the world. 
According to an article in the New York Times not long ago Benazir’s motive for return to Pakistan is primarily to have her funds unfrozen under a deal with Musharraf. As a power hungry person she also seems to be convinced that she would become the next Prime Minister.   
The amount of wealth the two former Prime Ministers have stashed away abroad is staggering. It is many hundreds of millions of dollars. One is hard pressed to believe, that in a nation where seventy percent of the people are poverty stricken, one could amass such a fortune. In Pakistan two-thirds of the population lives under two dollars a day, and the bottom one-third less than one dollar a day.
What about the talk of democracy that peppers the speeches of these two individuals? Well, it is largely a sham. The fact is that both Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif have appointed themselves to be the lifetime presidents of their respective political parties, the Pakistan Peoples Party and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz.
Democracy is not a part of the internal process of either party. For that matter none of the parties in Pakistan are organized on democratic basis. They are all structured tops downwardly. Officers and party workers are appointed from the top and the grassroots supporters have no say in decision-making.
The parties reflect the classical feudalistic hierarchy endemic in the social structure of the nation. Feudalism is antithetical to the development of democracy as several scholars have noted. Wherever democracy exists feudalism has been eliminated, sometimes by bloody revolution, as in France or even in Britain. In India, next door, laws were passed by the parliament in the fifties to dismantle feudalism. That is why democracy has taken hold in that country.
Many of the fundamental preconditions for the development of democracy in Pakistan do not exist at the moment. However, some of Musharraf’s policies have brought the country closer to that goal. He has contributed to the empowerment of citizens, the devolution of power from the center to the lower levels, the proliferation of the mass media and the emphasis on education. 
Despite his troubles, Musharraf’s reforms are much more likely to bring new faces into the political arena and to ensure the emergence of good governance. 

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Editor: Akhtar M. Faruqui
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