Karachi in Grip of Fear and Volatility
Karachi , which had been enjoying a period of comparative calm while several cities of the north were buffeted with bomb blasts, was revisited by violence with the bomb blast on a religious procession and the looting and torching of a thousand shops in the Bolton Market, the site of the wholesale commerce of the city. Both tragedies occurred on December 28, 2009 like a painful parting kick of the outgoing year. Ethnic violence and target killings followed this.
No amount of casuistry can justify the incompetence of the security agencies, particularly in countering the loot and arson at the market, and the miserable performance of fire tenders that one could easily discern in the video clips shown on news channels.
Were these acts of omission deliberate? Some media commentators tried to impute motives to one political group or another. Pakistan’s security czar, Mr. Rehman Malik, accused the sectarian ensemble, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, for the bomb attack on the religious procession, and the incidents of arson as a reaction to that. On the other side of the spectrum, is the allegation that the well-planned and large-scale fires in the non-Sindhi market were the handiwork of elements bent on giving a taste of the Sindh card. Like so many other national tragedies including the fall of Dacca, the truth in this case too may never see the light of day!
Karachi became the capital of Pakistan after the independence of the country in 1947, and over the years developed into a bustling, thriving metropolis of 1.8 million from a sleepy town of 300,000. Ninety percent of its population comprises immigrants, mainly from India, who have given it a personality of its own. It came to be known as
‘the Uroosul Bilad’ (the bride among cities) and ‘the city of lights’.
It became the financial and commercial hub of the country, and that feature of its personality became more pronounced after the shift of the capital to Islamabad. . In Feb. 2007, the World Bank identified Karachi as the most business-friendly city in Pakistan. It collects, on an average, over 53% of federal revenue and contributes some 20% of Pakistan’s GDP.
The concept that has driven the people of Karachi to intense striving and to the convergence of different ethnic streams into the main torrent of ceaseless activity has always been the freedom to all inhabitants to labor and live well. That ensured the prevalence of tranquility over decades, although stray instances of violence were not wanting. But, during 1992-94 the city was wracked with political, ethnic and racial violence. This period marked a serious decline of civility and an insensate savagery in the metropolis. Extra-judicial killings became a norm, rule of law an exception. The PPP blamed the MQM for the turmoil and vice versa. While sacking Benazir, who was the head of government for the second term (1993-1996), President Leghari, himself a PPP man, had insinuated her involvement in the extra-judicial killings.
What sets Karachi apart from other parts of the country? The first and foremost factor is the distinguishing nature of the man inhabiting Karachi. The city bears a distinctive personality and leaves its imprint on the inhabitants no matter whether they are immigrants from India, Bangla Desh, Sri Landa, Iran or elsewhere. Even the migrants to Karachi from the other parts of the country come under the sway of those distinctive characteristics, the same way as even the most unruly drivers of Pakistan commence, within weeks of arrival here, abiding by the traffic rules and etiquette on the streets of the US. The personality of a city affects the personality of its inhabitants and vice versa.
In a predominantly feudal society, where feudal lords treat their serfs as virtual slaves, Karachi has always been like a vast island permeated with the spirit of the freedom and dignity of man.
Years back illustrated stories appeared in the media about the slave labor camp of a feudal lord, Mohammed Husain Khokar, where some 250 persons were kept in a compound in chains to be taken out each morning to work on his lands. They could not run away as their ankles remained shackled to long chains with iron balls at the loose ends. Then, there was the famous story of the Zamindar of Ranipur who, having become annoyed with the non-conformist behavior of some of his villagers, had all women of the village stripped naked and march in procession through the lanes of that village. Even the all-powerful President of the time fumed and thundered at the shameful conduct of the landlord. The whole thing, however, died down and there was hardly any follow-up media report on it.
Things have improved considerably since then, but the feudal structure of the society is unwilling to concede human rights and human dignity to the serfs. That is where lies the dichotomy between the agendas of the MQM and the PPP. The top leadership of the so-called People’s Party strictly adheres to the dynastic system, while the leader of the other party prefers living thousands of miles away in London. Both shed crocodile tears on the recent tragic events of Karachi, particularly the loss of property in Bolton Market worth 30 billion rupees. The outburst of the Mayor of Karachi, over the imputed reports on the loss, reflected his sincerity.
Over fifty percent of the population of Karachi is less then twenty years of age. This abundant supply of youth with their idealism, dreams, fantasies and frustrations proved a readily available tool in the hands of Gen. Zia and his overt or covert policy makers to be organized and turned into a counter to the PPP in urban Sindh.
The people of Karachi, particularly the youth, had been disillusioned by the loss of their identity as Pakistanis with the dismemberment of Pakistan and emergence of ethnic identities in the rump state. To add to be bitterness of their cup, Sindh was divided into urban and rural sectors, disintegrating further their sense of identity. They were thus ready to embrace any concept that could serve as an anchor of their own identity. That explains why, under the patronage of Gen. Zia’s military junta, the MQM, an insignificant student body, mushroomed into an enormous Mafia-type setup with an immature leader commanding more following and respect than warranted by his caliber or stature. He was ordered by the security agencies that had nurtured him to take refuge in London, as soon as he became assertive and even defiant. A Haqiqi faction was set up to split the monolithic monster. That caused a lot of bloodshed but failed to effectively fracture the hold of the London man.
Since then, a rapprochement has been reached between the PPP and the MQM - a positive development from the point of view of Karachi. A noticeable wrinkle had developed in this owing to MQM, a partner in the coalition cobbled together by the PPP, opting to oppose the approval of the NRO in the Assembly against the expectation of the majority party leadership. Pragmatism did not trump ideology in this case, leading to the Supreme Court’s unanimous verdict and the Pandora’s box it has opened.
Pakistan ’s security Czar has tried to paint the bomb blast on the religious procession and the torching of a thousand shops as a sectarian folly. Whatever the true causes of the tragedy, saner councils have fortunately prevailed and the conflict has been re-patched by both parties to put an end to the senseless killings. Yet, Karachi is hardly at peace with itself; it continues to be in the grip of fear and uncertainty.
“Violence has never solved anything”, even Genghis Khan had to admit.
