By Syed Arif Hussaini

December 02 , 2005

Bush’s Unproductive Visit to China


President Bush’s visit to China in the third week of November was notable in that it turned out to be unusually barren.
Normally, the visit of a US President produces some defining outcome. For instance, President Nixon’s 1972 meeting with Chairman Mao signaled China’s willingness to side with the US against the Soviet Union. President Reagan’s visit in 1984 helped consolidate China’s economic reforms. President Clinton’s visit gave rise to the hope of political reforms and the formation of an opposition party. This was a noteworthy achievement as it followed the ruthless suppression of dissidents at Tiananmen Square.
This time, however, the Chinese were as usual very polite but conceded little on almost all the items on the agenda of President Bush, reflecting perhaps the growing confidence of the Chinese and the indifferent negotiating ability of the American team led by President Bush. Unfavorable developments at home might have derogated the American team’s confidence despite the fact that the US is still the sole super power of the world.
The Chinese side rejected the idea of a joint news conference for the two leaders. According to the reporters accompanying the President, the Chinese side said that they could guarantee television coverage for Mr. Bush only when he went bicycling with the Chinese Olympic athletes. Earlier, the state-controlled media in China ignored Mr. Bush’s speech in Kyoto, Japan, on November 16 in which he cited the Taiwan democracy as a model for the mainland.
Significantly, the Chinese leaders dispensed even with the symbolic gestures that often accompany American presidential visits. No political prisoners were released to mark the occasion, as had been done on previous US-China summits.
President Bush traveled to Busan, South Korea to attend the 13th Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) leaders’ conference on November 18-19. Before the conference, he met the Japanese Premier Koizumi in Kyoto on November 15 and the South Korean President a couple of days later. Following the APEC conference he went to Beijing for talks with President Hu Jintao. From Beijing he flew to Mongolia - the first of a US President to that country of 2.4 million people.
This was the third trip to China of President Bush. And, as already mentioned above, there was little evidence that it bore any fruit worth recording by history, particularly in respect of the ‘freedom agenda’ that constitutes the centerpiece of his second term foreign policy.
The Chinese President made it quite clear by his actions that he had no intention of giving in to the US pressure. So much so that reports of fresh moves against dissidents
kept surfacing even while the US President was on Chinese soil.
The matter of violations of human rights was being taken up “quite vociferously with the Chinese Government, assured Condoleezza Rice, Secretary of State. Washington Post, on the other hand, considered “disappointing” Mr. Bush’s “light touch with Mr. Hu”, since the Chinese President, far from continuing a “transition to greater freedom” during his three years in power, had been moving his country towards stricter control.
“The Chinese media, academia, religious groups and the local Internet”, remarked the Post, “are all more tightly controlled now than they were when Mr. Bush last visited China in 2002.” And, there was no evidence that Mr. Bush could “vociferously” take up the matter with his counterpart and even if he did so it appeared to have had no impact.
On economic and trade issues too, that are of major concern to American business whose interests hold priority for Mr. Bush, progress was of no consequence. Nor, was any concrete commitment made protecting US intellectual properties from rampant piracy in China. Likewise, no promise could be extracted from the Chinese authorities for an upward revision of the exchange rate of Yuan.
The Chinese President, however, agreed to press ahead for reducing the $200 billion annual surplus in trade with the US. Concrete measures even in this respect were not spelled out.
The only notable achievement that emerged from the talks was a $4 billion deal for China to buy 70 Boeing aircraft.
No wonder, Mr. Bush appeared to be quite tense during his visit. After ending his brief meeting with reporters accompanying him, he turned around and tried to go out a door that was locked. “I was trying to escape; it didn’t work”, he remarked. Then he attributed it to jet lag.
Fact of the matter is the he has of late sustained several setbacks. Throughout the trip abroad, his mind was exercised by the lack of progress in pacifying the Iraqis. This was exacerbated by the increasing criticism at home of the reasons given by his administration for launching the war. The Senate resolution passed on November 15, while Mr. Bush was in Japan, calling for drawing down of US troops and for quarterly reports to the Congress of progress, was a virtual rebuff to Mr. Bush on the war. Significantly, the resolution had the backing of both parties. It was a clear indication that they could no more be expected to keep endorsing the Administration’s lead on the war.
The flow of body bags, the unabated continuance of the insurgency in Iraq, the unimpressive outcome so far of the war on terror, the enormous outlays on the conflict not only ate up the surplus left behind by Clinton administration but created a huge deficit adding further to the high pile of national debt, the debatable tax cuts benefiting the rich, the high cost of gas and energy, the indictment of a top White House, aide, Lewis Libby, for perjury and obstruction of justice, the debacle of the nomination of Harriet Miers, the charge of slow move to cope with Hurricane Katrina, and more recently, the closing down of several General Motors plants and laying off of 30,000 workers, have all combined to sink President Bush’s popularity to 37 per cent.
His dwindling popularity at home must have impacted his confidence in dealing with his Chinese counterpart.
In the US-China relations, the US is still the domineering partner. It is still the Superpower. But, the Chinese continue to build their own stature and self-confidence as their economy expands and the US consumers keep growing addicted to the inexpensive manufactures of China.
Their voracious consumption habit – production lagging far behind consumption - will eventually topple the US from the pedestal of the sole superpower. You can’t eat the cake and have it too. - arifhussaini@hotmail.com

 

 

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