Book & Author
Esposito and Kalin: Islamophobia — The Challenge of Pluralism in the 21 st Century
By Dr Ahmed S. Khan
Chicago, IL
"Fear is the stepchild of ignorance. The emergence of Islamophobia, the irrational fear of Islam and Muslims, continues to be fed by the religious and theological illiteracy of the West..."
-The Right Reverend John Bryson Chane D.D., Episcopal Bishop of Washington, DC
Islamophobia — The Challenge of Pluralism in the 21 st Century edited by Esposito and Kalin, is a collection of essays by eleven Muslim and non-Muslim, American and European scholars — that presents a multidisciplinary approach to Islamophobia. The contributors discuss and evaluate existing practices, and present analysis and policy recommendations for dealing with discrimination, xenophobia, and racism.
John L. Esposito is University Professor of Religion and International Affairs at Georgetown University and Founding Director of the Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding. He is editor-in-chief of The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World and The Oxford History of Islam. He has authored more than 45 books which include The Future of Islam; Who Speaks for Islam? What a Billion Muslims Really Think; and The Future of Islam. His writings have been translated into more than twenty-eight languages, including Arabic, Turkish, Persian, Bahasa Indonesia, Urdu, several European languages, Japanese, and Chinese.
Ibrahim Kalin is a Senior Fellow of the Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding at Georgetown University and author of Knowledge in Later Islamic Philosophy: Mulla Sadra on Existence, Intellect, and Intuition. His field of concentration is post-Avicennan Islamic philosophy with research interests in Ottoman intellectual history, interfaith dialogue, mysticism, and comparative philosophy. He has contributed to several encyclopedias, including the MacMillan Encyclopedia of Philosophy, and the Encyclopedia of Religion. He was a faculty member at the College of the Holy Cross, Worcester, Massachusetts (2002-2005), and has served as the founding director of the SETA Foundation for Political, Economic, and Social Research based in Ankara, Turkey.
The book starts with a foreword by Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, Secretary General of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), and an introduction by John L. Esposito, and consists of three parts. Part I: The Context of Islamophobia presents two narratives: Islamophobia and the Limits of Multiculturalism by Ibrahim Kalin, and Islamophobia in the West: A Comparison between Europe and the United States by Jocelyne Cesari. PART II: Case studies, highlights four case studies: An Obsession Renewed: Islamophobia in the Netherlands, Austria, and Germany, by Sam Cherribi; Islamophobia in the United Kingdom: Historical and Contemporary Political and Media Discourses in the Framing of a list-Century Anti-Muslim Racism by Tahir Abbas; Islamophobia and Anti-Americanism: Measurements, Dynamics, and Consequences by Mohamed Timer; and, Muslims, Islam(s), Race, and American Islamophobia by Sherman A. Jackson. Part III: Manifestations, presents five narratives: Islamophobia and the War on Terror: Youth, Citizenship, and Dissent by Sunaina Maira; Islamophobia and American Foreign Policy Rhetoric: The Bush Years and After by Juan Cole; Islamophobic Discourse Masquerading as Art and Literature: Combating Myth through Progressive Education by Anas Al-Shaikh-Ali; Orientalist Themes in Contemporary British Islamophobia by Kate Zebiri; and From Muhammad to Obama: Caricatures, Cartoons, and Stereotypes of Muslims by Peter Gottschalk and Gabriel Greenberg.
In the foreword Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, observes: “‘Islamophobia and the Challenge of Pluralism in the 21st Century’ is a timely topic in a world in which the relationship between Islam and the West matters more than ever before. The increasing interdependence and coexistence among dissimilar peoples makes mutual acceptance and respect requisites for social harmony in our interconnected world; thus, the need for the Muslim and the Western worlds to accommodate each other is especially important given the central role these two large communities have been playing in global relations for the last fourteen centuries…Islam and the West could and should co-exist in peace and harmony, as the common denominators that link them outweigh their differences and facilitate this reconciliation between them: • Geographical proximity: The present reality is that Muslims and Westerners are living together under the same rule in almost all Western societies.• Similar spiritual reference: As part of the entire history of monotheistic religions, Islam is a continuity of Abrahamic tradition and culture. • Shared values: There is no inherent conflict between Islam and modernity, and Muslims are committed to pluralism and the right of people to cherish their diversity.”
In the Introduction Professor John Esposito observes: “Islamophobia did not suddenly come into being after the events of 9/11. Like anti-Semitism and xenophobia, it has long and deep historical roots. Its contemporary resurgence has been triggered by the significant influx of Muslims in the West in the late 20th century, the Iranian Revolution, hijackings, hostage-taking and acts of terrorism in the 1980s and 1990s, attacks against the World Trade Center and Pentagon on 9/11 and subsequent terrorist attacks in Europe.”
Professor Esposito further observes: “Statistics and attitudes documented by a number of research institutions all point towards an alarming increase in Islamophobia in the West. In November 1997, the Britain's Runneymede Report, Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All, launched in the UK defined Islamophobia as ‘the dread, hatred and hostility towards Islam and Muslims perpetrated by a series of closed views that imply and attribute negative and derogatory stereotypes and beliefs to Muslims.’ It results in exclusion, discrimination, and false presumptions/stereotypes – • exclusion from economic, social, and public life; • discrimination in the blatant form of hate crimes and subtler forms of disparagement; • the perception that the religion of Islam has no common values with the West, is inferior to the West [or to Judaism and Christianity], and that it really is a violent political ideology rather than a source of faith and spirituality, unlike the other Abrahamic religions, Judaism and Christianity…Similarly, in the US, the Council on American Islamic Relations (CAIR) documented an increase of reported hate crimes between 2004 and 2005. Further, in 2005, the organization processed a total of 1,972 civil rights complaints, which was a 29.6 percent increase in the total number of complaints of anti-Muslim harassment, violence and discriminatory treatment from 2004.”
In "Islamophobia and the Limits of Multiculturalism" Ibrahim Kalin contends that the so-called dispute over Islam and Muslims in the West has been engineered by the secular-liberal ideals of the European Enlightenment which cannot accommodate a non-Western religion such as Islam. The author observes that with the privatization of religion under the secular outlook of Western modernity, there is little or no accommodation for Islam which is then exposed to the historical specificities of each respective Christian nation’s secular experience. The author further notes that the current outlooks towards Islam and Muslims determine the limits of multiculturalism in Europe and the US, and Islamophobia, xenophobia and discrimination against Muslims is linked to the debate over pluralism and multiculturalism in the West.
In “Islamophobia in the West: A Comparison between Europe and America" Jocelyne Cesari examines the factors which influence the status of Muslims living in Europe and America viz a viz the structural causes for discrimination. Discussing Islamophobia the author notes that it “overlaps with other forms of discrimination like xenophobia, anti-immigration sentiments, and the rejection of the validity of cultural differences." The author further observes that in contrast to America, Islamophobia is often difficult to identify in Europe where Muslims — mostly immigrant laborers — are socially marginalized in contrast to American Muslims who are more socially and economically integrated. The nexus in Europe of "Muslim" immigrants with Islam and terrorism is unique in contrast to America where the negative connotation of "immigrant" is typically associated with low-skilled Mexicans. In America immigration is deliberated in terms of socioeconomic factors and issues, but in Europe debate on immigration centers on radicalization, terrorism and Islam. The attempts by the European Muslims to integrate have been exacerbated by international constraints — in particular the fight against "Islamic terrorism" with the significant changes in immigration regulations and tightening of security legislation — influenced by the US Patriot Act and Secret Evidence and their equivalents in Europe. The author states that the current European multicultural policies do not promote pluralism and equality, and ought to be re-worked to include minority (Islamic) cultural values.
In “An Obsession Renewed: Islamophobia in the Netherlands, Austria, and Germany" Sam Cherribi, extending Cesari's narrative, demonstrates how the Dutch media affected the growth of Islamophobia in Germany and Austria since 2000. The author notes that politicians — taking their cues from media reports across Europe about immigration and a lack of Muslim integration — have supported far-right, populist parties. Over time, the media and far-right parties have promoted distrust of Muslims. The author demonstrates the interconnectedness of xenophobia and Islamophobia in Dutch and Danish media viz a viz the Dutch movie Fitna produced by Geert Wilder, and controversial Danish cartoons' portrayal of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh).
In "Islamophobia in the UK" Tahir Abbas observes that in contrast to much of Europe — which has legislated politics to protect multiculturalism — Britain provides legal protection only to ethnically defined religious communities — Jews and Sikhs. Although Muslims have a significant presence in Britain, they do not have legal protection against Islamophobia. The author highlights three case studies which have affected British Muslims and promoted Islamophobia: Salman Rushdie's Satanic Verses, Danish cartoons, and contentious comments by former Foreign Minister and then current Home Secretary Jack Straw regarding Muslim women's dress.
In "Islamophobia and Anti-Americanism: Measurements, Dynamics, and Consequences" Mohamad Nimer notes that Islamophobia and anti-Americanism are interconnected and reinforce each other. The author observes a circular cause-and-effect relationship between Islamophobia and anti-Americanism globally — when Muslim terrorists attack the US — America engages in anti-Muslim rhetoric and policies. The author further observes that Islamophobia, measured in polls — on American views of Muslims and Islam, anti-Muslim incidents — reported by the FBI and CAIR continue to rise, and the impact of political bias is evident in President Barack Obama's distancing himself from his Muslim roots.
In "Muslims, Islam(s), Race, and American Islamophobia" Sherman Jackson examines the extent to which Islamophobia is a form of racism viz a viz a specific spin that is rooted in the American experience. The author argues that immigrant Muslims’ failure to come to grips with their racial identity and their racial agnosticism — within the American landscape —reinforces white supremacy in America — resulting in their being regarded as "un-American" and thus increases Islamophobia in the US. The author warns that if Muslims do not create their own racial identity in America, others will do it for them. The author cites the example of Rush Limbaugh's calling Obama an Arab, not an African American; hence putting Obama in a category of “un-American” people to whom Americans feel no debt.
In “Islamophobia and the War on Terror: Youth, Citizenship, and Dissent" Sunaina Maira explores the impact of Islamophobia and racism to Muslim youth. The author examines Islamophobia viz a viz the larger historical and political contexts in which it emerged — colonialism, modernity, racism and imperialism. The author notes that in the post 9/11 era, the state of emergency in which Muslim communities find themselves is not exceptional — rather, American history reveals that certain groups have been marginalized and excluded from citizenships at particular historical moments —Muslims are the current subordinated group.
Citing Stephen Schulhofer, the author describes how at least 1,200 and up to 3,000 Muslim immigrant men were rounded up and detained in the aftermath of 9/11 — without any criminal charges —some in high security prisons whose details have been kept secret. Virtually none of the detainees has been identified publicly and the locations where many have been held remain secret. The author notes that Islamophobia and racism cannot be eradicated simply by increasing religious tolerance — since Islamophobia is connected to US foreign policy and its global priorities.
Juan Cole in "Islamophobia and American Foreign Policy Rhetoric: The Bush Years and After" examines the linkage of Islamophobic rhetoric during the administration of George W. Bush on American foreign policy, its influence on America's image in the Middle East and its impact on foreign policies as well as the 2008 elections. The author observes that Bush spoke of Muslims as a peaceful people and distinguished Islam from the acts of terrorists immediately after 9/11, but he simultaneously linked the Muslim world to terrorism. The author further notes that by 2006, Bush's speeches bordered on “fearmongering,” shifting his rhetoric from the "global war on terror" to the struggle with "Islamofascism," setting up the tone for the Republican campaign and the 2008 presidential elections. In 2006, around the midterm of the electoral process, “Islamofascism” became part of American political discourse — adopted by George Bush and members of Congress.
The author argues that the use of “Islamofascism” is problematic for two reasons: first, to say that "Islam" is fascist implies that an entire religion and all civilizations whose citizens practice Islam are fascist. Second, the term "Islamofascism" connects European authoritarianism to Islam as a religion. Examining speeches given by George Bush and VP Dick Cheney, the author demonstrates how both depicted a fictitious Islamic enemy that warranted US aggression. The author further observes that US attempts of replacing the threat of the USSR with Muslims did not align with reality. Many countries in the Islamic world are major non-NATO allies (i.e., Pakistan, Morocco, Egypt, etc.) and other states have strong economic ties. Hence, the Republican Party transformed the Muslim world into the new "enemy" of the West while simultaneously maintaining close economic and diplomatic ties with these countries —Bush's aggressiveness attenuated the image of the US for Muslims.
In "Islamophobic Discourse Masquerading as Art and Literature" Anas Al-Shaikh-Ali examines the impact of Western classics —like "The White Man's Burden" by Kipling, Camp of Saints by Raspail, The True Travels and Adventures of CaptainJohn Smith, and Don Quixote — on promoting Islamophobia using xenophobic content for global audience. The author observes that this xenophobic ideology is being imposed via popular fiction, films, pictures, and music. Fictitious thrillers and other contemporary literature like the religiously based and enormously popular Left Behind are tools whose Islamophobic messages have reached millions of readers.
In "Orientalist Themes in Contemporary British Islamophobia" Kate Zebiri, examines the relationship between contemporary British Islamophobia and Orientalist scholarship. The author demonstrates that while contemporary British popular culture —still reflects age-old hostilities to Islam — it has changed and evolved according to the diversification of today’s society. The author focuses her analysis on three main themes – gender, violence and foreignness that emerged from her field research in the form of interviews with British Muslim converts and study of the media. The author notes that, during recent decades the alleged violence of Islam is related more to the rise of political Islam, and jihadist activism. The author concludes that a significant factor in understanding contemporary Islamophobia is a belief in the seemingly unusual capacity of Muslims/Islam to resist – in terms of culture, moral values, and religiosity - Western universalistic aspirations and appear to challenge prevailing trends of relativism and pluralism.
In the final essay of the collection, "From Muhammad to Obama: Caricatures, Cartoons, and Stereotypes of Muslims," Peter Gottschalk and Gabriel Greenberg discover evidence of Islamophobia in their review of the past fifty years of American political cartoons — concluding that Muslims have been a foil for an assumed set of American norms and thus are not depicted as part of the "normal" American landscape.
Islamophobia — The Challenge of Pluralism in the 21 st Century , edited by John L. Esposito and Ibrahim Kalin, is an important scholarly work that chronicles exponential proliferation of Islamophobia after 9/11 in the West. The contributors’ discussion and analysis reveal that Islamophobia has emerged as a social cancer that threatens the very fabric of our democratic pluralistic way of life — and it must be recognized as unacceptable as antisemitism. Our world is going through a very rapid change where new realities are taking shape and new power centers are emerging — and this makes it more imperative for the West and the Islamic World to reconcile their differences and dissipate their misunderstandings to coexist in peace and harmony. The book is an essential read for students of history as well as general readers. The book can also be used as a text or reference for academic programs in the areas of history, Islamic studies, politics, international relations, ethics and society, Asian American studies, culture and society, and sociology.
