The Arrival
of a Mystic Politician: Asif Ali Zardari
By Mohammad Ashraf
Chaudhry
Pittsburg, CA
“Hun Dasso!”,
would have been the natural response of my washman,
Ferozdin, had I been in Pakistan on the re-arrival
of ex-Senator, Mr. Asif Ali Zardari to Pakistan.
My last year visit to Pakistan, and my professorial
assertions made in front of Ferozdin that Zardari
was a dead meat now, and that the present government
would not mind meeting Mr. Advani or Moodi, or
even Mr. Sharon if it had to, but it would never
condescend to meet Benazir and her spouse, Asif
Ali Zardari and Mian Nawaz Sharif, now appeared
so devoid of any appreciable foresight when compared
to Ferozdin’s insightful “Hun Dasso”.
Indeed, politics in Pakistan is a game of surprises.
Be it a sizzling morning in July, 1971 when I
woke up to hear on the BBC that it was Pakistan
that had facilitated Henry Kissinger’s secret
meeting with the Chinese leadership in Peking,
or the cold night of December 20, of the same
fateful year when huddled up in our cellar with
the family, I heard the news time and again on
PTV that the situation in East Pakistan was totally
under control, whereas Dacca had already fallen.
People in a barber shop in Pakistan waiting for
a hair-cut are more informative and credible in
their analysis of Pakistani politics than are
the rulers who control their destinies or the
Pundits and word-smiths who get paid for lying
shamefacedly, or for rationalizing policy failures
that are too obvious to hide.
During school days, our choice to having a monthly
haircut was restricted by a parental order. We
could go to either Saina (Hussain), a World War
II veteran barber, or to Azam Nai. Being somewhat
liberal by nature, I never liked going to Saina
because he unfailingly reported every movement
of mine I made in front of the mirror to my father
who also patronized him.
Besides, he would also bore endlessly with his
bragging war-time hair-cutting stories and would
stop half-way, holding an open razor in one hand
and the ear directly under it with another, waiting
to win an applause from those who, somehow, were
always there browsing an Urdu newspaper.
Azam Nai, however, was different. He was less
arrogant than Saina and was more committed to
his profession than many. He was a great follower
of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, and as one could see,
there was hardly a patch on wall that he would
not plaster with life-size posters of Bhutto.
He virtually worshipped Bhutto, and the secret
to having a fine hair-cut from him lay only and
only to either agree with him as he would extol
the merits of his hero, or to say something positive
about Bhutto that could add to his knowledge about
him. In the early 70’s Bhutto appeared on
the political scene as a savior of the nation.
I could never understand why would somebody so
poor like Azam nai, adulate a feudal lord- turned
politician so blindly and so thoroughly. In fact,
one day I had to pay dearly for differing with
Azam Nai on this score. In one hair-cutting session,
I nonchalantly criticized Bhutto for his arrogance
and for roughing up students mercilessly in Lahore
and Faisalabad. Halfway he stopped cutting my
hair, and uncharacteristic as it was of Azam,
he told me in unusual rudeness to leave his shop.
Finding a fault in Bhutto’s style of politics
was not a simple lapse; it was a sin in Azam Nai’s
eyes.
Bhutto’s legacy and the impact of his charismatic
personality is so well-carved on people like Azam
and Ferozdin that it is hard to find a rationale
for such an infatuation, and Pakistan has always
remained in ample supply of such diehards in all
these years. The dream of a better future, and
the hope for the most-prized possession, self-respect,
was what Bhutto had given to such a, “rustic
chorus”, as that of Azam Nai and Ferozdin.
Bhutto could be differed with, but he cannot be
ignored or forgotten. It has been a sad phenomenon
to watch painfully his daughter, Benazir squandering
away the two opportunities Bhutto’s name
and legacy had provided her. Her two- term stint
as PM terminated on the charges of corruption
and inefficiency, could have turned any other
politician into a recluse, but she has never been
a sulker . It appears that she has overcome the
shock. Under the new and changed circumstances,
she seems to be willing to be adjusting herself
into a new role, that being, if not of a King,
then a king-maker, a Lady-Macbeth, or a Sonia
Gandhi. Who then could play the King on her behalf?
Perhaps, her own spouse, Mr. Asif Ali Zardari.
After all history is full of examples in which
leaders have followed other leaders: In the ancient
history, Alexander the great, imitated Achilles;
Caesar followed Alexander; Scipio copied Cyrus,
and in Pakistan, Mustafa Khar followed Nawab of
Kalabagh; Shahbaz Sharif followed Khar and Pervez
Ilahi is trying to follow all the three. Senior
Bhutto emulated Napoleon; and President Musharraf,
Kamal Ata Turk. Machiavelli is right when he says,
“A prudent man should always enter upon
paths beaten by great men and imitate those who
have been most excellent… if you cannot
acquire love, you should know how to escape hatred…
in our times we have not seen great things done
except by those who have been considered mean…”
Good iron does not make strong nails; leaders
have to have a good portion of meanness in them
in order to be effective as leaders.
Jehangir Badr of Panjab calls Asif Ali Zardari
a savior of Panjab, and his arrival in Lahore
a historical event in the history of Pakistan.
One can understand his saying so. It was not in
Zardari’s release and departure, as it has
been in his re-arrival that these jialas have
begun reading the writ of their own bright future.
Let us see how a Mystic Zardari fares and fits
in the midst of these crooked but tried, “wise
men”.
They say the most endangered species in the world
these days is the presence of dedicated leaders,
and they say so rightly. Asif Ali Zardari certainly
does not fall in that category of angels, and
he has never claimed to be one like them. Very
few people in Pakistan have been so controversial
as he has been, and very few have been so blatantly
maligned as he has been. If serving time in jail
is a criterion behind being an authentic politician,
then Asif Ali Zardari is perhaps Pakistan’s
Nelson Mandela. Politicians fear him most because
he begins where they end. I consulted quite a
few books written in the West, but I found very
little written favorably on his behalf. Stephen
Cohen, in his latest book, “The Idea of
Pakistan”, writes on page 147, “…
and every one was astonished at the degree to
which she gave a free hand to her husband, Asif
Zardari, who was widely believed to be corrupt”,
and on page 252, when Benazir was PM for the second
time, he writes, “… but the charges
of corruption only increased, notably with regard
to the sale of 28 state-owned companies between
1993 and 1995. Benazir’s husband, Asif Zardari,
personally known as Mr. Five Percent, acquired
the nick- name as Mr. Ten Per Cent for the commission
he reportedly asked for in return for government
approval of industrial projects. Benazir imperiously
dismissed such charges as, “motivated by
the enemies”.
Hassan Abbas in his latest book, “Pakistan’s
Drift Into Extremism” writes, “Benazir
started to distribute patronage and largesse to
the party faithful who had suffered under Zia’s
whip. Allegations of corruption on Benazir’s
husband, Asif Ali Zardari and some federal cabinet
ministers also had an impact on the government’s
credibility”. On page `152 he further writes,
“Widespread allegation against Asif for
taking kickbacks in government contracts were
increasingly believed by all and sundry”.
Marry Anne Weaver in her book “Pakistan:
in the shadow of Jihad and Afghanistan”
on page 194 writes, “… a top presidential
adviser, and one of Pakistan’s ranking bureaucrats,
remarks to me one morning… her main weakness
is her husband. It’s a pity. I wish she
had married someone else”. Asif Ali Zardari,
a party-loving sportsman with a colorful past,
an extremely charming forty-year-old businessman,
with a handsome, rugged face, set off by jet-black
hair and a thick, black handlebar mustache…
his main occupations before he married Benazir
were polo by day and discothèques by night”,
…(continuing on page 196 Weaver says what
most writers and observers and friends of Zardari
had failed to notice and acknowledge), “and
a bee had stung her hand. By the evening, when
the Zardaris arrived at the flat, Benazir’s
hand was swollen and she was in considerable pain.
Asif had insisted on taking her to a hospital
and had arranged for a doctor and a car. HER MOST
REVEALING COMMENT WAS, “For once, I was
not the one in charge”.
Like Indira Gandhi in the hands of Sanjiv Gandhi,
the most privileged and the most brilliant woman
of Pakistan, Mohtarama Benazir Bhutto, also had
her own Achilles heel, her own spouse. Shaheen
Sehbai, in one of his beautifully written articles,
“Will you please let Asif Ali Zardari go!”,
writes …there is no moral or legal point
in keeping Asif Zardari in jail, just because
he imported a BMW. He is now close to being declared
a ‘prisoner of conscience’, because
if everyone is a thief in this land, why is a
petty thief in jail when every robber friend of
the military ruler is out, enjoying life and robbing
the country… there has to be a limit to
injustice, pettiness, victimization and bigotry’.
The words may be harsh, but they are not devoid
of reality. Asif Ali Zardari has suffered more
than he deserved. Zardari has landed in Lahore
in a big way. Ex-PM, Mr. Jamali calls this fanfare
about Zardari’s arrival as a calculated
government move to glorify and magnify the image
of Zardari. Mr. Agha Naveed in his article, “Zardari’s
place in Politics”, endorses this point
of view. Zardari has come to role in his own name.
It was not a matter of coincidence, but a well-calculated
part of a grand plan that Zardari was to land
in Lahore when President Musharraf was to be in
India. The ensuing music was to be faced by the
chief minister of Panjab and by PM Shaukat Aziz,
and the final decision about the placement of
Zardari was to base on how the things would go.
Agha Naveed, a former PPP leader, presents many
an interesting theory in the article. To him,
it appears Ms. Benazir has accepted the rule of
Musharraf and her role in politics minus her candidature
for a third-time premiership. She has accepted
this pill in the larger interest of the Bhutto
legacy, and she intends to achieve two things:
one to transform Asif Ali Zardari as a mass leader
of Pakistan, and if this worked, then launch her
son, Balawal as the future leader of Pakistan.
After all, Sonia Gandhi has also planned the same
way to launch her son, Rahul Gandhi on the success
garnered by Manmohan Singh. It is a win-win situation
in both cases: the legacy, (Nehru or Bhutto),
and the government in their name both remain in
tact.
Asif Ali Zardari’s landing in Pakistan and
in Panjab is good for the present government too.
The Chaudhry’s of Gujrat appear to have
outgrown in President Musharraf’s estimate
in many ways. They have been helpful to him, but
at a great cost to his own name and reputation,
and have become a tangible hurdle in his way of
working. Were he alone, he would have dealt a
deadly blow to the Sardari system in Baluchistan
and would have eradicated this cancer from its
roots once and for all, but he could not. Even
in such petty matters as the inclusion of a religious
column in the passport, he got ditched by many
a minister who owned his ministership to him.
A man of his stature appears so pigmy-sized when
he is often found on TV defending a large and
burdensome battalion of ministers and state ministers.
Shaukat Aziz is a great finance minister, but
he cannot fight against his own gentle nature.
He is too gentle to be a PM.
In Zardari, the President sees four opportunities:
one he could get a very strong PM from Sindh;
second, he could get Benazir on board not as his
rival but as his ally; third, he could gracefully
distance himself from the Penelope’s web
woven by the Chaudhrys and lastly and most importantly,
he could implement his agenda of progressive social
and economic policies; of moderation in politics,
of accommodation with India; of promoting better
relations with all the major powers, including
the United States; of implementing his policy
of gender empowerment; and most importantly get
a solid backing to nullify the regressive impact
of the mullahs.
Zardari is a mystic politician now. It is hoped
that he would not throw away the opportunity of
serving the people of Pakistan, if and when it
is thrust upon him. In fact, the jialas have already
begun basking in the sunshine of such an eventuality.
He knows better than anybody that it was money
that took him to the jail and his wife to exile.
The fact is that Benazir is basically a visionary,
a dreamer, and not a good ruler. She tried to
emulate her father and she could not. If an opportunity
falls in his way, Zardari should not waste it
like she does by being somebody else. He cannot
be a Bhutto, in fact, no body can be. Hassan Abbas
writes that Zardari is well known for having a
sharp mind and a heart that was uncommonly large
and warm.
Azim Nai died as a very poor man, but not his
dream. Million like him are still holding on to
the ray of hope that was kindled in their heart
by Bhutto.
Military rulers try to satisfy the soldiers and
stupefy the people; politicians try to please
the people and stupefy the soldiers, and the result
is obvious. Asif Ali Zardari and President Musharraf
can make an ideal team of leaders that Pakistan
currently needs because, in the words of Machiavelli,
“Principality (leadership) that is attained
through crimes (Agathocles and Oliverotto), and
both of who were very popular despite their crimes”,
is often good for the masses. And, after all Zardari
is not as bad as he is painted. He is graduate
from Pedinton School, London in Business and Economics,
and has been in active politics of Pakistan since
1990. Who knows, new benefits often make old injuries
to be forgotten.
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