Solution to Balochistan Quagmire: Crush Feudalism By Siddique Malik President
www.spreadfreedom.com US

If the disease that has afflicted Pakistan's Balochistan province is not treated urgently, it will turn into a cancer that will devour the entire country. Not only the people of Balochistan, but also those of the country's other three provinces deserve freedom from the brutal clutches of feudalism. The recent developments in Balochistan indicate that the situation is fast running out of control. Trains are operating with a diminished schedule because the insurgents have been attacking rain tracks in the province.

The Sui Gas Line, Pakistan's economic spinal cord was attacked, as was the province's electric transmission facility. Another installation of vital importance and sensitivity, i.e., the Dhadak nuclear facility that is located near the Balochistan-Punjab demarcation line has been threatened. Clearly, these are the acts of those who don't care for the well being of Pakistan and its people. How dare these elements attack Pakistan's economic lifelines and expect to get away with it? These events constitute symptoms of a disease that was born during the days of British occupation of India. It is utterly wrong to assume that this disease only afflicts Balochistan while Pakistan's other three provinces are free of it. Centuries ago, It was not in the nature of foreign occupation to treat the occupied people by the standards of absolute freedom and human dignity; for one, no such standard, existed at the time.

To ease the pains of occupation, the non-British colonial powers indulged in brutal killings, and ruled by instilling a fear in the occupied people. The British had a better approach, though. This approach generally gave them a fake look of humanity and civility. They killed, not as a first option, but second. Their first option was to encourage and exploit a system of feudalism based upon the existence of greedy and megalomaniac regional lords. The British allowed these hotbeds of suppression and cruelty to continue to exist, as long as their chiefs remained loyal to the British crown and had no qualms about butchering their own people if the situation so demanded. Where no such feudal setup existed, the British invented one. Those few tribal chiefs, who refused to toe the line, were ruthlessly eliminated.

The germs of feudalism left by the British colonialists survived in Pakistan. While India, in the early days of its independence, quashed feudalism with one stroke of its prime ministerial pen, this curse exists even today in Pakistan. Consequently, contrast in the state of democracy in both these countries is phenomenal. While India, a country in which the majority of the people belong to the Hindu faith, has a Muslim president and a Sikh prime minister, in Pakistan, those not belonging to the religion of the majority, i.e., Islam, are legally forbidden to seek such top offices. The cancerous tyranny left behind by the British colonialists soon became a convenient conduit of America's dealings with Pakistan. One phone call from the State Department, and governments in Pakistan (who in turn depend upon feudalism) would comply within minutes. American government of the day did not need to wait for the rigors of democracy to churn at their natural slow pace in Pakistan.

This arrangement helped America bleed the 'evil empire' in Afghanistan to avenge its attempts, years earlier, to bleed America in Vietnam. The same pro-suppression approach has helped Washington control the entire Middle East with its huge oil reserves. However, it was an unfair and foolish approach with terrible consequences that, ironically, could have been foreseen easily. Had successive American governments not become addicted to the convenience of this unholy alliance, perhaps the forces of freedom would have succeeded in establishing a sound democratic order in Pakistan (or for that matter also in other Muslim majority countries) by eradicating feudalism. America's nation security would have been in a much better shape then it is today as the problem of Muslim terrorism would not have arisen. Washington's changed perceptions about the Third World and especially the Muslim world have triggered hopes that freedom and democracy will finally break out at the most unlikely places, and Pakistan's feudal forces know it.

These forces possess an uncanny ability to observe and analyze the current events because on this ability, depends their very survival. They must start to manipulate these events even before they completely unfold. For decades, they have been in bed either with the religiously insecure elements (another source of suppression), or the army, or both. The level of the recent insurgency in Balochistan indicates that the feudal elements are paranoid. They no longer expect either the religious extremists (who in the current context of the world affairs, are fighting for their own survival) or the army to be on their side. Therefore, they are willing to raise the stakes. If they could somehow manage to cause Pakistan to disintegrate, they will have a chance to bargain with the world for their continued survival. How can these icons of suppression talk about the rights of their people? How about the rights of those helpless people who are held in private jails in these suppressors' estates? Children in their areas are not allowed to go to school (lest they develop an ability to realize their God-given freedoms) while their own children go to Oxford, Cambridge, Berkeley and Harvard.

Women are gang-raped as an act of instilling discipline under their perverted and draconian mentality. On what basis is Islamabad negotiating a solution with these usurpers of freedom? It is absurd to think that they will ever agree to a solution that will empower the people. If the people are empowered, it will mean an end to the tyranny of the feudal lords. By negotiating with them, Islamabad is showing a lack of sincerity on its part to get to the root cause of the problem. The real question is whether Islamabad wants to empower the people. There is only one solution to the problem and it should have been applied at the time India applied it within its borders soon after the partition of the sub-continent, but better late than never. All feudal estates and lands, throughout Pakistan, and not just in Balochistan, must at once be seized by the government in the name of the people of Pakistan. The seized lands and estates should be distributed among the farm workers who, for decades, have been exploited into working on these properties as virtual slaves.

All natural resources belong to the people of Pakistan, the feudal elements do not deserve even a penny of royalty from these resources. The matter of royalty should be resolved in a way that benefits the masses, not these already filthy rich lords. The existing wealth of these thugs should be seized (as it has been derived from their illegal estates) and used to initiate the developmental and uplift projects that should later be expanded to the other three provinces. Any one resisting this operation should be crushed with an iron hand. At the same time, urgent efforts should be launched to give all provinces maximum constitutional autonomy within the framework of a federal setup. This will help purify Pakistani politics because it is by the virtue of the power that the feudal lords derive from their estates that they subjugate their people and contaminate the country's political dynamics. These estates were given to the ancestors of their current wrongful owners by the British at the expense of the masses. Therefore, these transfers of ownership were illegal and void to begin with, anyway. Again, in order, is a comparison with how India handled the same problem. While India saw the illegitimacy of these estates on day one, Pakistan's establishments have continued not only to tolerate these estates but also cohabit with their unlawful owners, to grind their own axe at the expense of the country and its masses.

Time to continue to beat around the bush has long passed. It is time to face the problem head on, and solve it for once and for all. Pakistan army has usurped power many times. If it could dismantle feudalism, it would have atoned for its sins against the Constitution. Of course, in doing so, the army would have destroyed one of the few anchors upon which it has relied while overthrowing elected governments but the situation has deteriorated to this: either Pakistan will survive or these feudal entities will. This is army's chance to ensure the continued existence of Pakistan without actually starting a war with India. Whether the feudal lords realize 'what hit them' or not, a remedy is badly needed. One hopes that the army will finally deliver what the people have always expected of it, i.e. to crush the 'enemy'. Long live Pakistan.

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Editor: Akhtar M. Faruqui
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