The Two-Nation Theory
By Pervaiz Alvi
US

In the Opinion columns of Pakistan Link a lively and interesting debate on the subject of Two-nation Theory is going on. The questions being asked are: a) was the concept genuine or bogus; b) whom the argument was made for; c) is the theory dead or still alive; d) if dead, then who killed it and when?
Mr. Karamat Ullah Khan Ghori from Canada (April 29, 2005) and Mr. Mohammad Ashraf Chaudhry of Pittsburg, CA. (May 27and June 3, 2005) present two diametrically opposed opinions on this subject.
Mr. Ghori is a retired civil servant now residing in the safety and comfort of North America. He has spent his entire career serving various governments in Pakistan. One must assume that he knows what he is talking about. In his contemptuous words the two-nation theory is one of the many ‘holy cows’ produced and artificially kept alive in Pakistan by its oligarchs, while in reality the concept died in 1949 when the country imposed restrictions on the immigration of Muslims from India by “shutting its doors on those who were late in making up their mind about Pakistan”. In other words Pakistan should have kept its doors open to Indian Muslims till they felt ‘Pakistani enough’ to cross the border. After all the core of the two-nation theory was that ‘all Indian Muslims’ were one nation, so Pakistan should have let them in whenever they wanted to come.
Mr. Ghori also states that the birth of Bangladesh virtually rang the death bell on the sacred two-nation theory and “knocked the bottom from under the barrel of Pakistan, draining all its legitimacy, in the process, from the heady concoction of the two-nation theory”. He doubts its validity and other than holy cow, he also describes it a bogey, a dead horse, a foil, a fig leaf, a mantra and a defunct concept; pretty strong words from a former ambassador of Pakistan.
On the other hand Mr. Chaudhary considers the two-nation theory as a holy script and ideological bedrock of Pakistan. He observes that the likes of Mr. Ghori has joined in with the enemies of Pakistan to undermine the ideological foundation of Pakistan. What Indians could not do in 1965 and 1971 in the battlefield, some are now trying to accomplish by waging an ideological warfare. He writes, “Ideas form ideologies, and nations breathe them as they breathe wind. Ideas matter, ideas influence and ideas make history. The best way to destroy a people is not to drop lethal bombs on them; but to rob them of the purpose they stand for”. “India could not obliterate Pakistan” by force. Now she is going “to waft and whisk away the very spirit that breathes in it, and to unhinge its very central kingpin around which its whole body spins”.
Mr. Chaudhary also thinks that the 1971 Indian effort to half Pakistan has in fact put a second Pakistan on map under a different name. “Before 1971, India had to deal with one; now it is constrained to tackle two”.
Perhaps answers to the various questions raised by this debate lie somewhere midway between the two extreme positions taken by Mr. Ghori and Mr. Chaudhry. The debate is not yet over. Let us see what else they and others have to say on this subject.

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Editor: Akhtar M. Faruqui
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