Which Way Does the Oil Flow?
By Professor Nazeer Ahmed
CA

What does Pakistan have in common with Georgia? Or for that matter what does Uzbekistan share with Turkey?
If you answered that they all have large Muslim populations, you are only partially correct. These countries as well as Chechnya, Kazakhstan, Afghanistan, Turkmenistan and Iran are all potential transit territories for the transportation of oil and gas. Although religion is used and abused in the great game of politics, it is energy, not religion that is the primary driver of geopolitics in Central Asia and the Middle East.
At no time in history was geography as much a predictor of history as it is in modern times. As the global powers scramble to stake out positions in the emerging world order, and energy resources become one of the principal factors in these positions, the importance of a country in geopolitics is as much a function of its energy resources as it is of its location, and whether it lies on a transit route from the point of energy production to the point of consumption.
Following the implosion of the Soviet Union, the world has seen a brief spell of a single superpower dominating the globe. But the globe is turning and the center of gravity of world power is slowly but inexorably shifting towards Asia. This movement is creating new opportunities and new risks in the geopolitics of our times.
Let us take a brief survey of how we arrived at this juncture in history. Japan emerged from the ashes of the Second World War, and with a single minded focus on quality built up the most efficient industrial infrastructure in the world. In the 1970s, as the United States was exhausting itself in Vietnam, Japan rose to dominate world export markets. Ship building, steel, heavy machinery, automobiles, one by one became synonymous with Japan. This happened even as manufacturing in the United States took a heavy beating under the double hammer of capital flight and tightening regulations. The dollar took a beating and for a while it looked like the rising sun of the Japanese emblem would be the emblem of the world economy.
That was not to be. The Achilles heel of Japanese industry was its dependence on Middle Eastern oil, controlled by oil giants based in Amsterdam, London and New York. During the Reagan era, the screw was tightened through trade negotiations and the control of oil. Japan slowed and was contained. The Japanese economy remained a distant second to the mega-economy of the United States. It has been duck-paddling for the last fifteen years just to stay where it is.
Enter China. After Mao Tse-Tung, a series of reforms led to the entry of China into world markets. With an industrious population of over a billion, willing to work for a fraction of the wages in the more industrialized countries, and incentives from the top, China was soon able to dominate traditional industries such as garments, shoes and light hardware. As the world markets opened up under the WTO, Chinese goods elbowed out those from other countries. Whether one bought a pair of scissors in Singapore or a garment in Jeddah, it had the stamp “made in China”.
China did not stop at garments and light industry. Taking its lessons from the Japanese, it focused on quality and inexorably extended its industrial expertise to hardware, machinery and heavy industry. Unlike the countries of Southeast Asia who had kept their currencies afloat in the open market and lost their limbs to international predators, China kept a tight lid on its currency as well as government subsidies under wraps. The result has been an unprecedented growth, compounded of eight percent plus per annum. Today, measured in terms of purchasing power, the Chinese economy is twice the size of that of Japan, and is almost eighty percent the size of the US economy.
The Chinese dragon is up and running. But even a dragon needs fuel to run. Although China has vast coal reserves which it uses at full throttle and it has its own oil reserves, its increasing energy requirements have taken it to far away corners of the earth, to Africa, Central Asia, even Latin America. These are the same areas that the giant American, British and Dutch oil companies operate in. The competition is on.
Enter India, and the equation gets much more complex. The strength of India lies in its educational infrastructure. Starting with the Nehru era, India has consistently and unswervingly invested in education. Backing up the world class IITs (Indian Institute of Technology) and IIMs (Indian Institute of Management) is a vast network of universities and colleges producing well over half a million technical personnel each year. Although the quality is low in many of the new schools, those at the top are among the best in the world.
Using this enormous pool of trained manpower, India has excelled in Information Technology and knowledge-based industries. When the Indian government relaxed its regulations over a decade ago, the Indian economy has expanded well in excess of seven percent, compounded annually. India-based corporations have grown at rates that would attract the attention of the most conservative Wall Street investor. Measured in terms of its purchasing power, the Indian economy today is the fourth largest in the world at 2.3 trillion US dollars. It trails only the economies of the United States, China and Japan. It is a nation on the move.
The accommodation of China and India in the world order of the future presents a challenge to planners in the United States. The overriding strategic goal of the American foreign policy remains the prevention of the rise of any power, or a group of powers, that can challenge the preeminence of the United States on the world political stage.
This is where the energy calculus comes in. Leaving aside the oil reserves of Venezuela and Nigeria, there are two vast reservoirs of energy, one in the Persian Gulf and the other around the Caspian Sea. The great game is to control this oil and the direction of its flow. To understand the geopolitics of the Middle East and Central Asia, one needs to draw on a map possible transit routes by land and by sea originating from the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea to China, India and the Mediterranean Sea.
The United States and the United Kingdom would want the Caspian Sea oil to flow through Georgia and Turkey to the Mediterranean, so that it becomes “Western oil”. Russia would like the oil to flow through Chechnya; hence its pressure on Georgia and its bloody war in Chechnya. If oil has to move from Turkish ports to India and China, it must then move through the Suez Canal and these emerging giants will have to pay a premium. China, on the other hand would like this oil to move through Central Asia to Sinkiang. Another possible route is through Iran and Pakistan to Gwadar in Baluchistan from where it can be shipped to China.
Similarly, Siberian oil can be piped to Northern China through Manchuria. The Japanese would like the pipelines to terminate at Vladivostok instead, so that it becomes “Japanese oil”. Although Russia remains an awesome nuclear power, it is no longer a principal player in world economy. Its geopolitical importance is primarily that of a supplier of raw material. The Russian economy is sliding and is already less than half the size of the Indian economy.
Iran in particular is in the eye of the storm. It sits astride both the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea. The energy resources from either of these areas can be shipped through Iran. A potential Iran-Pakistan-India pipeline would be a benefit to all three countries. Some have even suggested extending this pipeline all the way to China, making it the Iran-Pakistan-India-Myanmar-China pipeline. Such a pipeline would have an enormous influence on the strategic relationships between these countries; indeed it may change the strategic balance in the global economy.
But this is precisely against the interests of the giant oil companies. Containment of China, and lowering the bar on India, requires control of energy resources and their transit. It follows logically that those countries that are potential transit routes for either the Gulf or the Caspian Sea oil will come under enormous pressure from the major powers. Included in this category are Azerbaijan, Georgia, Chechnya, Turkey, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and particularly Iran. The response of the potential transit countries, and their ability to withstand external pressures, will determine to a large extent the world order of the twenty first century.


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Editor: Akhtar M. Faruqui
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