Opinion

Musharraf’s Messiah Complex
By Dr. Mahjabeen Islam
Toledo,Ohio

Used to be that the “Kursi Syndrome” was the exclusive domain of Pakistanis; even a Sufi, I used to say, would transform into a power-coveting fiend should he happen to become president of Pakistan. But General Musharraf has outdone his countrymen and is in the process of copyrighting the “Messiah Complex”.
The pathogenesis of this Messiah Complex merits explanation. Musharraf has stared death in the face on many occasions. His entry to power was probably the first famous time. Circling Karachi with the plane running out of fuel must have been a tense time, for anticipating a fiery crash death can be much worse than dying itself. He made it down, instituted an emergency on October 14, 1999, and may well have been the messiah for Pakistan’s politics then.
His self-image and worldview then was through the prism of necessity and humility. His down-to-earth, forthright efficiency was indeed a breath of fresh air in what had become putrid politics. Pakistanis were weary of the gross misuse of power and deep corruption of civilian rulers Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif. There seemed to be a sudden pulled-up-by-the-boot-straps feel to the whole situation. A new life seemed to have been injected into Pakistan, and many were willing to overlook the fact that the messiah was a military man. The long train of generals in Pakistan’s leadership desensitize those of us that possess democratic bones. We even come up with novel rationalizations to military rule at times.
NAB, or the National Accountability Bureau was set up and other organizations were made to be headed by retired army generals and there was suddenly an air of accountability and transparency. But just like a new restaurant in Pakistan that starts out with a bang and settles into a greatly diminished standard of food and ambience; with each regime change, Pakistan, after the honeymoon period, settles into the status quo. And so did Musharraf’s regime.
Not only did personal power and individualism start to reign supreme again, substantial progress in any significant sphere became nonexistent. And all this while the “messiah” started to like his new job description. Out went the promise of holding elections, and in fact a presidential referendum was held, which was widely reported as being engineered.
Musharraf went on to capitalize on the American paranoia of anything Islamic or Muslim, and cast himself as the messiah there as well. Even though a religious party has never headed a government in Pakistan, and the Red Mosque fiasco showed that the larger number of Pakistanis does not hold fanatical views, Musharraf sold his utility to the United States so well, that American leaders still sing Musharraf’s indispensability chorus.
Musharraf started out wanting to clean and fix; in the process he fell in love with the virtual vacuum cleaner, not to mention the invisible crown. With sycophants surrounding him, his dreams of indispensability to the nation became an unfortunate concrete reality to him. The point of serious consternation is that Musharraf truly believes that the nation cannot do without him. This delusion set in about four years ago or so.
Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry was asked to resign and made non-functional when he refused because intelligence agencies reported his meetings with Benazir Bhutto on a return trip from Thailand and with Nawaz Sharif after a trip to Dubai, with the icing being the CJ’s speech at a graduation ceremony in which he had said that the president could not be elected in uniform. In a landmark trial not only was the Chief Justice reinstated, but for the first time in its history, Pakistan’s judiciary developed a semblance of independence.
Musharraf’s sole goal is re-election, preferably holding both offices of president and commander-in-chief.
And to this end, all means are justified. Even if it means lying clumsily to the nation. There was time that Benazir Bhutto had pariah status; too contemptible to merit discussion, beyond the “she cannot come back, she faces arrest” type of statements by Musharraf. How ironic that Musharraf had to travel to meet that same character, who, to make it much worse, issued a statement that Musharraf in uniform would not be acceptable. And the entire charade of the meeting never being held is more ludicrous than deserves discussion.
It is very clear that Musharraf’s political career is coming to a rather rapid halt. And the flailing of a drowning man was seen yet again in the whole “emergency institution in the nation” game played out on August 8th, 2007. Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain had started sending out feelers two days prior, saying that there was a provision for an emergency in the constitution and everything that would be done would be according to the constitution. Later he said that the concept was being actively considered because of the American threat of attack, the murder of the Chinese citizens and the Sharif brothers’ application in the Supreme Court to return to Pakistan.
In supremely tense situations like the Red Mosque scenario, or following it when simultaneous suicide bombings were occurring all over Pakistan no consideration was given to emergency rule. When American drones were flattening madrassahs no peril was felt, nor was there any danger when the Karachi massacre of May 12 occurred. But now, the babbling of a presidential hopeful Barack Obama about attacking Pakistan was considered threat enough to consider the institution of a state of emergency.
Musharraf’s political life will remain forever etched with those long distance phone calls from the American Secretary of State. First the 3 a.m. phone call from Colin Powell after 9/11 that asked the famous “are you with us or against us” question in which Musharraf lent instantaneous allegiance. And this time the 17-minute call from Condoleeza Rice, which clearly froze the emergency dead in its tracks. Even if America feels it is its prerogative to use drones to attack Pakistan, apparently Pakistan is not allowed to use that threat as enough of a threat to institute an emergency. See that is why the salute of allegiance should not have been given so quickly to Colin. Condi now has free reign.
The modus operandi of the Musharraf junta is to take an idea and send out a couple of ministers with it, sense the feedback and then decide on its feasibility. Emergency rule, it appears, did not fly with anyone - Pakistani or American. Afterwards Musharraf in serious self-righteousness stated that there was no justification whatsoever for emergency rule.
The meeting with Benazir Bhutto and the flirtation with emergency rule are all desperate attempts to hold on to power, for she can legitimize his rule and the institution of an emergency can postpone elections for another year.
It is sad commentary that Pakistani rulers never bow out gracefully, a’ la Tony Blair. They tend to get kicked out or killed. With Musharraf the third option is the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court making his election bid null and void. What is that Americanism about paybacks?
It is one thing to crave power, also known as the Kursi Syndrome. When one graduates to the Messiah Complex, the din of one’s delusion prevents Musharraf from understanding what the nation is all but screaming: you’ve worn out you’re welcome.
(Mahjabeen Islam is a physician and freelance columnist residing in Toledo Ohio. Her email is mahjabeenislam@hotmail.com)

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