Our National Identity and the Two-Nation Theory
By Syed Kamran Hashmi MD
Westfiled, IN
The Two-Nation Theory is sacrosanct to the majority of Pakistanis, and understandably so. It provides them a national identity, unites them as a nation, and furnishers the raison d’tre of the struggle for an independent country.
But the Theory has its detractors and its rationale is often contested. Our own lack of knowledge about the condition of Indian Muslims in the 19th century adds fuel to the fire since the people who challenge its validity are usually well informed and have a good grasp of history. They present logical arguments and build their case with convincing evidence. In response, we feel beleaguered and regress to emotions. We begin our rebuttal with a religious rhetoric that is soon followed by anecdotal information and typically revolves around inconceivable metaphors. When all of these tactics do not work - and they never work - we attack the contender with frivolous accusations and insinuations.
The case against the ideology of Pakistan is very powerful especially in the current situation when extremism is rising in the country and insurgency has not been completely eradicated. The argument is advanced that the Two-Nation Theory is the root cause of religious intolerance in the subcontinent. It promotes our religious identity as our sole recognition and disregards our cultural and ethnic heritage. It promotes the unrealistic concept of a utopian Islamic Caliphate that leads to fundamentalism and seeds radical ideology in the gullible Muslim youth.
But, we know that The Two-Nation Theory is not an ideology of Islamic radicalism since the concept of the ideology of Pakistan is based upon equality of rights and freedom of expression. It essentially is a collective appeal of the largest minority - the Muslims living in the subcontinent - against discrimination.
It is an expression of their fear of persecution and a reflection of their financial insecurities.
We have always been aware of the poor state of Muslims in the19th century British India. We knew that we lagged behind in every sphere of life, including, employment opportunities, educational resources and political representation. Our judgment was based on the Hunter Commission Report of 1882 on the Indian Education System. The report verified testified to our concerns and observed that for 24 Hindu sub-engineer positions there was only 1 Muslim; and for 14 grade-3 assistant engineers there were only 2 Muslims. It also mentioned that there were 50 Hindus in the finance department in one state with no Muslim representation and had 239 Hindu lawyers compared to only 1 Muslim attorney.
We also valued the findings of the Nathan Commission in 1912 that confirmed the Hindu-Muslim disparity with regard to employment opportunities and we believed in The Hornell Committee Report of 1913 that put forward similar observations.
In short, over decades multiple reports consistently pointed to the Hindu/Muslim economic, employment and educational disparity. We had sensed the prevalent environment of discrimination. We might not have eloquently supported our position with scientific data but we could aptly envisage a life, as a religious minority in India, less prosperous and much more competitive after the end of the British rule. We realized that a certain level of political autonomy and financial independence was necessary to survive and excel in the future.
Although a demand for an independent country was raised very late, the signs of a restless Muslim minority could not have been ignored from the beginning of the 20th century when the All-India Muslim League was formed.
The fears of the Indian Muslims came true 125 years later in the form of the Sachar Committee Report of 2006 that deals with the current conditions of the Muslims in present-day India. According to the high-powered Sachar Commission, the literacy rate among Indian Muslims is 59% that is substantially lower than the
national average of 65%. Muslims constitute 15% of the total population of India yet they only have 5% representation in the central government jobs. Their presence in the Police Department is also poor at 3.3%and even worse in the judiciary where only 2.7% of the current judges are Muslims. Their landownership is also the lowest in the country - below the scheduled castes/tribes. In urban areas, 38.4% of Muslims live below the national poverty line and 31% of them live below one dollar per day.
The data is indisputable. It spotlights the state of a religious minority in India over the last one hundred years. It clearly suggests that our choice to exist as an Independent Nation was correct.
But something probably went wrong after 1947 that has lead us to our current perilous condition. We ignored the value of our freedom; entangled ourselves in a series of military dictatorships and shied away from the tough journey of democracy.
It is still not a lost battle if we strictly adhere to democratic principles as other nations have done for their success. After a dismal start we can still carve out a bright future.
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