The Good, the Bad, the Ugly …or None of the above!
By Ghazala Akbar
London, UK
The course of true love or Pakistani democracy never did run smooth. Just when you think the waters are safe, Jaws rears its ugly head again. Two weeks ago we seemed pretty smug at the successful completion of a full five-year term of an elected government, uninterrupted by conniving manipulators, clerics from Canada or the sound of heavy jackboots. For the first time in our constitutional history, a democratically elected assembly was not summarily dismissed. Or a Prime Minister hanged. Or led in fetters and exiled abroad in ignominious circumstances. It was a small but significant achievement.
Basking in the Islamabad sunshine, the class of 2013 at the National Assembly of Pakistan duly posed for a historic picture. Their final session had been an occasion filled with self-congratulatory rhetoric, backslapping bonhomie and much desk-thumping. Some took the opportunity to reward themselves with perks and bonuses. (Living conditions must be tough in Islamabad.) In terms of performance and legislation, the last five years were not much to write home about but at least the Constitution of 1973 had been restored to its original pristine condition. The President voluntary surrendered his powers to dismiss the Prime Minister. And in future, no usurpers would be allowed to get their grubby hands on the document, suspend it, appropriate powers or tinker with its provisions. Or so we were told.
Come again! There was the little matter of Article 62 and 63, a minor irritant which the parliamentary committee that worked day and night to introduce the 18 th Amendment either forgot about, deliberately overlooked or considered too mundane and trivial to cause a problem in the future. These are the provisions that deal with the qualifications required to become a Member of Parliament and are part of the original document. Most are fairly standard or routine dealing with age, residence, financial solvency and the mental soundness of a candidate. Fair enough. We want our representatives to be sane at least. That is the minimum one expects. If they are honest and educated, that’s a bonus.
However, sometime in the 1980s, it appears that the divinely-inspired General Zia had an epiphany. Members must also be virtuous. If we had to have a Parliament at all in Pakistan we should try and fill it with angels. And so it came to pass that the General and his holy advisers inserted their own quaint ideas of what constitutes good character traits necessary to become a member of the august body. A member of the Majlis-e-Shura, as the NA was known then, must be ‘sagacious, righteous, non-profligate, honest and ameen. A member must also have adequate knowledge of Islamic teachings, practice obligatory religious duties and abstain from major sins.’ He or she must not propagate any opinion or act in any manner prejudicial to the Ideology of Pakistan.
Wow! Lofty words and high ideals indeed -- but concepts so wooly, abstract and subjective that no two members of the learned Ulema could agree on a definition, let alone a court of law. In any event, these requirements did not deter or stand in the way of the ‘undesirable electables’ fulfilling their birthright to stake their claims for seats in the ‘party less’ elections held under Zia or in any subsequent election thereafter. Articles 62 and 63 were mere words which did not matter. Or so we thought. Until one cold January, the good Doctor from Canada barged in, held Islamabad hostage for three days and finally left after extracting a promise from the ‘baddies’ to examine their implications.
Never underestimate the single-minded dedication of pious minds on a mission. They have right on their side. Now they also have might. Armed with article 62 and 63
and shielded by the Constitution, the mundane process of scrutiny of application papers has become a theatre of the absurd. For the past few days we have witnessed a farcical spectacle called ‘Sadiq and Ameen’ being played to the hilt by pious minions of the ECP basking in the limelight and reveling in their roles as moral guardians and custodians of the Ideology of Pakistan.
Some may find humor and satisfaction at seeing the discomfiture of prospective candidates but it is a hollow triumph. One day the joke may be on us too. Creeping Talebanisation, left unchecked, can grow rampant. We smiled when Mullah Omar passed decrees on the correct lengths of beards or how women were expected to walk modestly in Kabul. Nothing to do with us we said. It wasn’t so funny when the Nizam-e-Adal was introduced in Swat, was it? These things tend to have a blowback effect. And lest we forget, in 1977, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto acceded to the demands of the Rightist Parties in introducing certain measures to ‘purify’ Pakistani society. They seemed a mere trifle at the time. Look where it led us. And him.
Rigorous scrutiny of nomination papers for evidence of criminality and financial wrong-doing is one thing. Testing candidates on their knowledge of Qur’anic verses is quite another. Even the founder of the nation would have had difficulty keeping up with the stringent requirements of Returning Officers of the ECP. Given their reputation for venality, most of our political leaders are least deserving of any sympathy but when they are publicly asked to recite certain Surahs or answer personal questions that have no relevance to the job at hand, there is cause for concern and alarm.
Is there a point to all this? Can the Election Commission really weed out undesirable types? Are these self-righteous inquisitors merely enjoying their three minutes of fame or is there something more sinister lurking in the background? This being Pakistani elections, one cannot rule out any ‘out of the box’ solutions. According to news reports, another idea that is being floated by the EC is the ‘don’t know’ category. After going through the names of candidates a voter has the option of ticking a new box: ‘none of the above’ (NOTA). This is the equivalent of showing two figures at the other candidates. If one simply doesn’t want to vote is it necessary to formally register a rejection? Should an election symbol be allotted to ‘NOTA’ for voters who cannot read? What if more than half the electorate were to choose this option? The mind boggles at the possibilities.
Sadly, these side shows, hilarious as they are, are diverting valuable media attention from the main attraction. Instead of discussing the personal shortcomings of candidates, we need to focus on political issues. We need to concentrate on party manifestoes and promises. We need informed political debate on the issues of the day. It is a disquieting thought but with the many challenges at hand, these are arguably the most important polls this country will hold since the historic election of 1970. 43 years on the comparison may seem unwarranted since the conditions are entirely different. We are older and wiser -- politically at least. But make no mistake this election is just as portentous and fraught with danger or promise. As in 1970 there is much hope and great expectation riding on the outcome. The choices the electorate makes, the people and the parties they vote in will determine not just the immediate future but our prospects for long term survival.
In 1970 the issues were clear cut: the framing of a constitution on the basis of maximum provincial autonomy for East Pakistan and the direction of the economy – socialism or unbridled capitalism. Our failure in the first instance led to disaster. This time around the issues are more complex. Notwithstanding the demands for independence from some quarters in Baluchistan, the problem isn’t one of pacifying the smaller provinces. The issue is about restoring governmental authority and re-establishing the writ of the Pakistani State. It’s about the Center and the Provinces working in tandem with the executive, legislature, judiciary and the all-important fourth pillar of state, the Army to reinstate the rule of law in those ungovernable realms where the State has abdicated responsibility or has been forced into retreat.
Whether it is urban and rural elites avoiding taxes, obscurantists violently force-feeding their own version of Islam, criminal gangs operating no-go areas with impunity, agencies running riot or predator drones flying overhead, there is a mushrooming of illegal power centers, states within a state that have to be rolled back or contained. The extent to which the next government is successful in arresting the slide and regulating ungoverned spaces will be instrumental to our future progress. Clichéd as it sounds, we are yet again at the proverbial crossroads.
It is make or break time. For our political representatives this is also perhaps the last chance to get their act together. They’ve had a good run for their money but the writing is on the wall. Democracy may be the ‘best revenge’ but the spirit of General Zia is alive and well. As his political heirs sort out the ‘good’ from the ‘bad’ and the ‘ugly’ there is evidence that he can still call the shots and rule from the grave.
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