Army Back in Politics, but in a Different Role
By Salahuddin Haider
Karachi, Pakistan
The Pakistan army, becoming voluntarily apolitical after General Zia ul Haq’s death in the 1988 plane crash, is back in the game, though in a different role of backstage actor, more appropriately as guardians of democracy. This was manifestly obvious by three identical developments within less than 24 hours.
The publicity wing of the military, called the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), issued a general appeal to maintain sanctity of buildings like the Parliament, Supreme Court, etc. Then came two clear advices from the army chief General Raheel Shareef himself. During a call on, he told prime minister Nawaz Sharif to show flexibility, and at least take a step backwards, and today when Punjab chief minister Shahbaz Sharif met him at his own request, he advised him to start negotiations with protestors who have been besieging and paralyzing the country’s capital for almost a week.
The General’s message was meant for both the government and the opposition parties for he knew that indirect intervention had become absolutely necessary to end a stalemate which had done enough damage to the country internally and externally. The trick worked and Nawaz contacted Sindh governor Dr. Ishratul Ebad for Altaf Hussain’s help which was readily extended. MQM’s former deputy parliamentary leader Haider Abbas Rizvi and former minister Ejazul Haq acted as interlocutors between cleric politician Tahirul Qadri and the prime minister. But Sharif, guilty of making considerable mess already, opted for yet another faux pas. His decision to include railway minister Saad Rafiq in the three-member negotiating team with Rizvi and minister Qadir Baloch, was instantly rebuffed by Qadri's followers. They refused to have any truck with him for being part of the massacre at Lahore secretariat of Minhajul Quran on June 17. His name is among the 21 ordered to be charge-sheeted for murder by a sessions court, which named the Sharif brothers too as principal culprits
Even Tehrik Insaaf chief Imran Khan, leading another group of protestors to Islamabad, showed his willingness for negotiation with the government. It was thus clear that the army’s role had suddenly become significant.
Whether Sharif would accept the demand for resignation was hard to say, but insiders reported that the prime minister will have little option but to agree to mid-term elections on a given time, which automatically would mean his exit from power, and the formation of a caretaker setup. The Army wants democracy to survive and shielded, and the constitutional authority of the civilian government to be respected.
Nawaz may go now or later was not clear, but any agreement between the two main groups of protesters will demand the army’s written guarantee. Without that the soup will remain the same and all tall talks for auditing the controversial electoral results will be rendered meaningless. The Election Commission will have to be set up anew with superior court judges of reputed integrity at its helm. Some kind of mechanism too will have to be evolved for banishing corruption in a country founded in the name of Islam and meant to provide justice and fair play to all. This is however a long process, and can only be executed in stages. Strict monitoring nevertheless will be essential to ensure that only those with clear conscience are sent to the future parliament, and those with a tainted past will have to be disqualified. It was done by a former interim prime minister Moeen Qureshi in 1993 when a large number of people were screened out.
Nawaz and younger brother Shahbaz may well be the victims of electoral reforms for corruption charges against them and their family members have often been cited as the reason for the mess which the PML-N government created within a short span of time of a little over a year.
Even former President General Pervez Musharraf conceded in private discussion that “no government in Pakistan can work without the backing of the army”. His remarks were open to question but the fact remains that politicians since 1988 have made considerable mess, forgetting all tall promises made during electioneering.
Whether the post-Nawaz scenario will come up to the peoples' expectations or will continue to be blurred as before, is a million dollar question. The answer is hard to arrive at till such time that the promised reforms are executed with sincerity.
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