India Turns Right
By Dr Syed Amir
Bethesda, MD
On May 17, the day after his stunning victory in the polls, an exultant Narendra Modi returned to Varanasi, the city on the Ganges, revered by devout Hindus, to offer his thanksgiving prayer at Vishwanath temple. From a highly decorated platform, bedecked with saffron flags, he participated in the Agni Pujja performed by Hindu priests on the banks of the river. It is inconceivable that India’s founding Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, a staunch secularist and architect of its post-independence democratic pathway, who raised the country’s stature and profile on the world stage far beyond justified by its economic strength, would have approved the display of such overt religiosity.
When the election results were announced, Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had taken 282 seats out of the total of 543 in Indian parliament, far exceeding predictions and crushing the opposition Congress Party that managed to win only 44 seats. The Indian elections were an exquisite display of the vibrancy and resiliency of its democracy, involving 814 million eligible voters, while 551 million (66.4%), three times the total population of Pakistan, actually voted. At the end, there were no reports of significant violence or blatant fraud. Even more impressive, all parties accepted the results and the gigantic exercise in democracy concluded seamlessly.
Modi, 63, has undergone a remarkable transformation in his career and fortunes. Son of a tea-stall owning father, he received much of his political inspiration through his affiliation with the militant Hindu-nationalist organization, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Founded in 1920, RSS has been striving for and advocating the mission of transforming India into an unadulterated Hindu nation. The party has served as an ideological wellspring for many Hindu nationalist organizations, BJP among them. It has a strong following in Gujarat in particular. In his election rallies, Modi was often seen surrounded by saffron-clad crowds, waving saffron flags, the color associated with the Hindu faith. The famed historian and writer, William Dalrymple, in an essay published in New Statesman (May 12, 2014) stated that “the RSS and the BJP both believe as the centerpiece of their ideology that India is in essence a Hindu nation and minorities, especially Muslims, can live in India only if they acknowledge this (fact).”
His success in making Gujarat a model of growth propelled Modi to national prominence. The state has attracted major manufacturing industries, including Tata and Ford Motors that have set up car manufacturing plants, investing billions of dollars. The reputation of Gujarat as business-friendly has brought investors foreign and domestic, generating revenue and employment opportunities. Modi has run the state with an iron hand, with a relatively clean and uncorrupted bureaucracy, but brooking no dissent.
The success of BJP was not entirely attributable to Mondi’s record in Gujarat; it was also greatly helped by the exhaustion of the public by the uninterrupted ten-year rule of the Congress Party and the Gandhi dynasty, that was tainted with rampant corruption and swelling numbers of unemployed. Also, the scion of the family, Rahul Gandhi, 43, had little appetite for politics and proved singularly inept as the party leader. To illustrate, Dalrymple quotes the famous Irish poet, William Yeats, “The best lack all conviction, while the worst are full of passionate intensity.”
Modi’s claims that he can duplicate his success in Gujarat in other parts of India undoubtedly contributed to his success. However, it is doubtful that this can be achieved readily. India is a huge, sprawling country, with a population of more than 1.2 billion, projected to surpass that of China by 2025. It has multifarious problems not amenable to quick solutions. No doubt, the emphasis on Hindu nationalism resonated with many in Northern India.
The victory has come as a crowning achievement and as a personal vindication for Modi who has become the 17th prime minister of India. In 2005, he was denied a visa to enter the US because of his alleged involvement in the 2002 riots in Gujarat where he served as the chief minister and in which over 2,000 people, mostly Muslims, were killed. Soon after his victory on May 16, his fortunes reversed dramatically. He received a congratulatory call from President Obama and a personal invitation to visit the US.
Modi’s BJP has secured a strong majority in the Indian Parliament, enabling him to fundamentally alter the trajectories of domestic and foreign policies, still grounded in the liberal and secular vision of founding fathers, Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Abul Kalam Azad, the giants of Indian freedom movement. The Washington Post in an editorial (May 16) posed an insightful question that must be on the minds of many: “Will Narendra Modi era be marked by an economic boom or derailed by sectarianism?”
India’s foreign policy under Modi probably will not change, except that he has expressed a keen desire, according to the prestigious Indian newspaper, The Hindu (May 18), to deepen India’s ties with Israel that had remained rather cool during several previous Governments. The International Business Times in New York (May 17) commented that Israel may now have a staunch new ally in South Asia.” For Pakistan, Modi’s ascendency may not necessarily be a bad omen. His invitation to Nawaz Sharif to attend his inauguration has raised hopes that he might prove more of a pragmatist than an ideologue. The previous BJP Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee (1998-1999) attempted to normalize relations with Pakistan and initiated a vigorous peace process culminating in the Lahore declaration. The process, however, was derailed by the Kargil debacle.
Not everyone in India is ecstatic about the election results. Minorities, especially the Muslims, are worried about the policies of the new prime minister and direction of his administration. Although beleaguered and falling behind in spheres of prosperity, educations and employment, they have been gradually integrating into and feeling part of the Indian nation. However, they are understandably concerned with Modi’s record during the Gujarat riots when he was accused of doing nothing to protect the Muslims. In a report issued in 2012, The Human Rights Watch stated that “in the past decade, increasing evidence has emerged of the complicity of Gujarat state authorities in the anti-Muslim violence.” Modi who has denied his involvement in the violence has never expressed any regret at the loss of Muslim lives. In a controversial decision, the Supreme Court-appointed committee exonerated him.
The elections demonstrated the ineffectiveness of the Muslims' vote in influencing the outcome, even in areas where they are in significant numbers. For the first time since independence, no Muslim was elected to the Indian parliament from Uttar Pradesh, where their number exceeds 18% and in some areas up to 40%. Muslims constitute 14% of India’s population, but their number in the 16 th parliament will only be 22 (4%), the lowest ever. Most were elected from West Bengal and none on the BJP ticket.
The Indian electorate has overwhelmingly chosen BJP to rule the country; however, there is no reason to despair. India has a long history of religious tolerance, pluralism and syncretism. It also has an independent judiciary, free press and an influential segment of the population dedicated to the preservation of secular, liberal values and protection of human rights. It is still the land of Gandhi, Nehru and Azad.