After failing in its initial attempt to occupy Islamabad, Pakistan Tehreek e Insaf (PTI) plans to relaunch another assault on the capital by the end of November - all of course in the name of democracy and freedom of expression. Would the response of the Federal government be any different this time?
In response to the first attack, it froze with fear failing to perform even its basic administrative functions, putting every developmental project on hold and letting the economy crumble. At one point, it seemed as if it has accepted defeat way before the battle in Islamabad had even begun. May be it did, but the battle ground they chose for that was not Islamabad, it was Lahore where Punjab police raided the Minhaj ul Quran Trust to show its muscle and killed fourteen workers. For me, that action alone holds more grounds to protest and even warrants the resignation of Shahbaz Sharif than the dubious claims of massive rigging by PTI in the general elections. I hope they do not let Shahbaz Sharif show his administrative skills again.
The panic in the PML-N camp indeed rose way out of proportion, but they had some legitimate concerns too which could not be dismissed altogether. For instance, the risk of an impending military intervention had gripped the whole nation let alone the Federal Government. The negative campaign in the media to turn people against the democratic setup was an ongoing reality. We all agree. And the legal ramifications of the Lahore massacre could not be shrugged off, after Bhutto’s trial everyone understood what it could lead up to.
Did the Prime Minister (PM), Mian Nawaz Sharif realize the gravity of the situation? Of course, he did. Through his address to the nation, he offered a truce package to the opposition, hoping to calm the political temperature down. It was however too little, too late. The blustering protesters ignored his plan. Why? First, Pakistan Awami Tehreek rode on a high moral pedestal after the killing of its workers, anticipating a big show in favor of its revolutionary agenda. And second, PTI could not accept any agreement if it did not lead Mr Khan to the Prime Minster House. Truce, therefore had to be packaged with the resignation of Mian Nawaz Sharif, a condition that the PM would never submit to, not this time. After waiting for five years and avoiding any conspiracy to topple the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP)-led coalition government, his determination to stick to his mandate could not be deterred, not in 2014. That was how a deadlock was brought forth.
Then three things happened which sucked the moral strength out of the protesters and handed over to the Government. First, TUQ and Imran Khan attempted to take over the Parliament and the Television station through the power of the mob, a mistake they should still regret. Second, PPP under the leadership of Asif Ali Zardari recommended a joint session of the Parliament in which the largest party of the opposition supported the treasury benches, showing everyone that the Parliament for the first time stood united, committed to defend itself against any attack regardless of its color: civilian or khaki. And the last, Javed Hashmi spoke against his own party leader essentially calling him a conspirator trying to take over the government at the behest of the nondemocratic forces. Since his press conferences and a series of television interviews, PTI has lost credibility even more. Although, it has pulled large crowds in other cities, as expected, but its dream to convert Islamabad to Cairo has not translated into reality, nor does it seem that it would. The number of protestors too has shrunk to few hundreds in D Chowk, compelling the party to regroup and relaunch the attack.
After the crisis, the Prime Minister had to repair the damage by changing the style of his governance. The first step would have been to remove some of his family members from the key official posts thwarting the perception that he runs his administration as a family-owned business empire instead of a genuine democratic institution. Image-building was as important as nation-building; he had to understand that. However, a country whose frustrated middle class sought a broad-based reform agenda and prayed for the arrival of its Messiah, in the hands of Pakistan Muslim League did not even get a dedicated federal cabinet. Until today, PML-N team misses a Foreign Minister, a crucial appointment that determines the international outlook of the country. Then, as humorous as it sounds, Pervaiz Rashid handles the Law Ministry besides managing the departments of information, mass broadcasting and national heritage. To further compound the situation, Khwaja Asif heads the department of Defense while working as a full-time Minister of Water and Power.
The Chief Election Commissioner was another important constitutional posting that awaited immediate attention. After the resignation of Fakhruddin G Ibrahim in July of 2013, the government had to focus on finding his replacement urgently keeping in mind that many people were challenging the transparency of the electoral process and disputing the validity of election results. Yet, even after the instructions of the Supreme Court PML-N has tried to put it off, a sign showing its lack of sincerity to investigate the rigging allegations and to empower the institution.
I remember people exuded confidence and optimism when they voted last year. They did not look forward to be amused by political stunts like the Nandipur Power Project, nor did they yearn their rulers to squander the tax earned rupees on personal ads printed on the front page of every newspaper with the picture of the Sharif brothers teasing the country on the wastage of its resources. They demanded change.
They had voted for a reformist, an experienced leader who understood the dynamics of power from all angles: treasury, opposition, jail and exile. Nonetheless, what they got was the same old stubborn Mian Nawaz Sharif who never thinks twice and puts vengeance before national interest to settle personal scores.
