From Patriotism to Disenchantment
By Masood H Kizilbash
As far as back in 1962, K.J. Newman in his contribution titled “The Constitutional Evolution of Pakistan” to the Journal of the Royal Institute of International Affairs of July 1962 had labeled the migrants to Pakistan as “perhaps the most patriotic element in Pakistan.” He lamented the discriminatory treatment against them by observing that “(they) were reminded that they were not the ‘ sons of the soil’ and were gradually driven from all key positions of influence. Thus, Pakistan originally founded as a homeland for the Indian Mussalmansacted against its own raison d’etre.”
The discriminatory actions of the successive governments prior to the division of Pakistan in 1971 included passage of Pakistan Citizenship Act in 1951 and closure of Khokrapar railway route to stem the tide of inflow of migrants from the Muslim minority provinces, imposition of the Quota System in the civil services with a meager quota of 2% for Karachi, restriction on new investment in Karachi District, screening of civil servants in 1959 and 1969 majority of which belonged to the minority provinces, introduction of a distinction between agreed and non-agreed area in the allotment of evacuee property etc.
The policy of discrimination became harder after the break-up of original Pakistan and the policy of distancing new Pakistan from its past. With the sweeping nationalization of industries, services and financial sector and subsequent introduction of the Quota System in the autonomous bodies and nationalized sector, the employment opportunities for the youth became extremely limited.
The frustrated youth was used by Zia-ul-Huq’s regime for creating the MohajirQaumi Movement to quell the political influence of the Peoples Party and the Jamaat-i-Islami in Sindh, especially in Karachi and urban areas of the province. The organization was liberally funded and provided not only arms but also training in their use. Once they acquired the political strength with armed muscle, the genie was out of the bottle. They started using their political clout in the Sindh Provincial Assembly and the National Assembly to extract concessions from the ruling party which was more than ready to indulge them to keep uninterrupted control on the levers of power. The concessions included a deliberate policy of ignoring their activities like extortion of money from shop-keepers and businessmen, kidnapping for ransom, excessesagainst adversaries not complying to their command.
The policy of discrimination originally started against them to divest them from the ascendancy that they had acquired by virtue of their superiority of educational excellence and skills brought to the then capital Karachi, turning it as an industrial and financial conclave, was soon to boomerang. The policy of punishment arising from jealousy rather than grateful acknowledgement of their contribution to making Pakistan a functional state had provided them a political base in MQMfor compensating themselves by indulging in quick money.
The do-nothing policy of the successive governments emboldened the Party to amass as much wealth as possible to either equip its armed wing with latest weapons or transfer it to the safe havens abroad not only to purchase properties but also to create its organizational set-up in various countries including UK, USA, Canada, South Africa, etc. Some countries, particularly India, allegedly came forward to provide them with financial assistance as well as training facilities with a view to promoting their agenda in the region. Despite the reported evidence of the Party’s links with foreign countries, the rulers did not take any action. Instead, they used the evidence against them as a lever to keep them under leash to keep on supporting their government notwithstanding serious destabilizing effects on the country.
The founder and supreme leader of the MQM, had been delivering most aggressive speeches against the institutions of the state since past several years. Yet, the government in power did not take cognizance and any action against him or his Party. He transgressed all limits when he called upon his followers on 22 nd August, 2016 to raise the slogan against the very existence of the country and to attack media houses and the offices of the Rangers and to lock out the Sindh Secretariat. It was an open call for rebellion. Since he had crossed all limits, the rebellion was put down by the Rangers forthwith. At the same time, the reaction of the public throughout Pakistan against him and his Party manifested itself in protest rallies, censure motions in Provincial Assemblies and angry protests in media. Sensing that a ban on the Party was round the corner, the MQM leadership in Pakistan somersaulted by denouncing Altaf’s speech and disassociating MQMPakistan from their leader in London and carrying out amendments in the constitution of the party to this effect without delinking it from the London- based convener Nusrat. Farooq Sattar, the President of the reconstituted Coordination Committee, Pakistan, assured that in future all decisions will be taken by the Pakistan- based Coordination Committee under him.
The whole episode of 22 nd August and, thereafter, raises two questions. How could the founder callupon his followers to rise in rebellion without support from within and without? And how could the reconstituted Coordination Committee (Rabita Committee) Pakistan under Farooq Sattar, being a part and parcel of a regimented Party, could disassociate itself from the Party activities before 22 nd August?
These two questions need be thoroughly investigated so as to expose, if any, the forces exploiting and instigating MQM to further their own agenda in Pakistan.
- masood_ kizilbash@ hotmail.com
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