America, Dawn of a New Day
By Dr Syed Amir
Bethesda, MD
When Joseph Biden was sworn in on January 20, 2020, as the 46 th president of the United States, a sense of quiet relief and serenity descended on Washington DC. The nation, and indeed the whole world, drew a sigh of relief that a peaceful transfer of power had taken place, and an unbroken tradition of two and a quarter century had held, one first set when John Adams succeeded George Washington on March 4, 1797 as the nation’s second president.
Unlike Donald Trump, Washington, exhausted and in failing health, could not wait to free himself of the shackles of the office. Four years later, John Adams lost a bitterly contested election to Thomas Jefferson; yet a peaceful, orderly transfer of power followed.
The inauguration day, a bitterly cold but sunny, started with much trepidation, filled with an air of uncertainty. How peaceful would the transfer of power be? It would be the 59 th times a US president took the oath of office. Donald Trump left the White House in the morning for the Andrews Air Force Base where he had organized a mini parade for himself, topped by a 21- gun salute. He especially relished the perks of presidency, such as the unlimited use of Air Force One, which he was determined to use one last time. The night before, misusing his authority as president, Trump had pardoned over hundred criminals, mostly his cronies.
The transition day was much different than what we had been used to over the years. The nation’s stately capital looked like a ghost town, except for the ubiquitous presence of military and police vehicles and personnel. An unprecedented feature of the ceremony was that a woman, black and of South Asian heritage, Kamala Harris, was sworn in by a Latina judge, Justice Sonia Sotomayor. President Biden delivered a stirring speech, crafted by his Indian American speechwriter, Cholleti Vinay Reddy.
Once the inauguration festivities were over, it was time for the traditional military parade. However, there were no usual adoring crowds lining the parade route along the Pennsylvania Avenue, just a small number of hand-picked dignitaries applauding the new president and vice president. No one had expected that the president and his wife would leave the safety of their limousine, but they did and walked along a short distance to the White House. Unlike previous occasions, members of Congress were not feted at the Capitol at lunch, because of fears of the corona virus, nor were there any European-style formal galas going late into the night. However, one tradition did hold, the Washington sky was lit up late in the evening with a beautiful display of fireworks.
The days after the inauguration were starkly different from the weeks before, when the capital city looked like a town under siege. Many roads and all access to the White House and the US Capitol, the seat of the legislative branch, had been blocked and most shops boarded up. There were more National Guard troops in the city than soldiers currently deployed in Iraq and Afghanistan combined. The city had undergone a traumatic experience only two weeks before on January 6. A mob, comprising a disparate assortment of white supremacists, anti-semitic neo-Nazis, believers in bizarre conspiracy theories–the so-called QAnon-supporters–and other riff raff, had stormed the hallowed citadel of US democracy. It was the last desperate attempt by the defeated president to overturn the results of a fair election. They marched towards the Capitol and finding little resistance, breached the barriers and rampaged along its elegant corridors and long majestic halls. Their objective was to force the Congress to overturn Biden’s victory in favor of Trump. The ill-prepared and ill-equipped Capitol police were no match for thousands of angry, violent insurgents and were quickly overwhelmed.
The rioters were in control of the Capitol building for hours, roaming and ransacking at will. Some were carrying battle flags of the Confederacy of the Southern States that had mounted a rebellion against the Federal Government to preserve slavery 150 years ago. It was a surreal scene. The Capitol was last invaded more than two centuries ago, August 1814, when British troops led by General Robert Ross destroyed the city’s public buildings, including the Capitol and the White House. This writer was watching on the TV only a short distance away from the scene, while millions watched in horror from around the world on live TV as the events were unfolding. The country held its collective breath as it was uncertain that American democracy would survive this invasion by barbarian hordes.
How could American democracy, portrayed by President Reagan as “the shining city on the hill” and an inspiration to the whole world, come so close to extinction? The question will haunt political historians for a longtime. We know that American society has been polarized along racial and ethnic lines for a while. This country has been experiencing a period of turmoil unlike any it has seen in over a century and half, since the dark days of the Civil War (1861-1865). The four years of the Trump presidency have singularly widened the gulf and exacerbated the problem. His policies encouraged the white-racist elements in society and his signature slogan, Make America Great Again, was perceived by many as Make America White Again.
The former president, Donald Trump, is now sequestered in his luxurious Mar-a-Lago retreat in Palm Beach, Florida, but few expect him to spend his retirement peacefully playing golf. Nonetheless, the turmoil of past few months has shown that democracy even in developed Western countries is a fragile institution that needs to be constantly protected and nurtured. Donald Trump’s ultimate downfall should be a lesson to all authoritarian rulers around the world, such as Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India and Viktor Orbán of Hungary, whose power and influence are rooted in their promotion of a divisive ideology. Such power and influence do not endure, as magic spells based on untruths have short life span.
(The writer is a former assistant professor, Harvard Medical School and a retired health scientist administrator, US National Institutes of Health)
