August
17, 2007
Musharraf’s
Messiah Complex
Used to be that the
“Kursi Syndrome” was the
exclusive domain of Pakistanis; even
a Sufi, I used to say, would transform
into a power-coveting fiend should he
happen to become president of Pakistan.
But General Musharraf has outdone his
countrymen and is in the process of
copyrighting the “Messiah Complex”.
The pathogenesis of this Messiah Complex
merits explanation. Musharraf has stared
death in the face on many occasions.
His entry to power was probably the
first famous time. Circling Karachi
with the plane running out of fuel must
have been a tense time, for anticipating
a fiery crash death can be much worse
than dying itself. He made it down,
instituted an emergency on October 14,
1999, and may well have been the messiah
for Pakistan’s politics then.
His self-image and worldview then was
through the prism of necessity and humility.
His down-to-earth, forthright efficiency
was indeed a breath of fresh air in
what had become putrid politics. Pakistanis
were weary of the gross misuse of power
and deep corruption of civilian rulers
Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif. There
seemed to be a sudden pulled-up-by-the-boot-straps
feel to the whole situation. A new life
seemed to have been injected into Pakistan,
and many were willing to overlook the
fact that the messiah was a military
man. The long train of generals in Pakistan’s
leadership desensitize those of us that
possess democratic bones. We even come
up with novel rationalizations to military
rule at times.
NAB, or the National Accountability
Bureau was set up and other organizations
were made to be headed by retired army
generals and there was suddenly an air
of accountability and transparency.
But just like a new restaurant in Pakistan
that starts out with a bang and settles
into a greatly diminished standard of
food and ambience; with each regime
change, Pakistan, after the honeymoon
period, settles into the status quo.
And so did Musharraf’s regime.
Not only did personal power and individualism
start to reign supreme again, substantial
progress in any significant sphere became
nonexistent. And all this while the
“messiah” started to like
his new job description. Out went the
promise of holding elections, and in
fact a presidential referendum was held,
which was widely reported as being engineered.
Musharraf went on to capitalize on the
American paranoia of anything Islamic
or Muslim, and cast himself as the messiah
there as well. Even though a religious
party has never headed a government
in Pakistan, and the Red Mosque fiasco
showed that the larger number of Pakistanis
does not hold fanatical views, Musharraf
sold his utility to the United States
so well, that American leaders still
sing Musharraf’s indispensability
chorus.
Musharraf started out wanting to clean
and fix; in the process he fell in love
with the virtual vacuum cleaner, not
to mention the invisible crown. With
sycophants surrounding him, his dreams
of indispensability to the nation became
an unfortunate concrete reality to him.
The point of serious consternation is
that Musharraf truly believes that the
nation cannot do without him. This delusion
set in about four years ago or so.
Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry
was asked to resign and made non-functional
when he refused because intelligence
agencies reported his meetings with
Benazir Bhutto on a return trip from
Thailand and with Nawaz Sharif after
a trip to Dubai, with the icing being
the CJ’s speech at a graduation
ceremony in which he had said that the
president could not be elected in uniform.
In a landmark trial not only was the
Chief Justice reinstated, but for the
first time in its history, Pakistan’s
judiciary developed a semblance of independence.
Musharraf’s sole goal is re-election,
preferably holding both offices of president
and commander-in-chief.
And to this end, all means are justified.
Even if it means lying clumsily to the
nation. There was time that Benazir
Bhutto had pariah status; too contemptible
to merit discussion, beyond the “she
cannot come back, she faces arrest”
type of statements by Musharraf. How
ironic that Musharraf had to travel
to meet that same character, who, to
make it much worse, issued a statement
that Musharraf in uniform would not
be acceptable. And the entire charade
of the meeting never being held is more
ludicrous than deserves discussion.
It is very clear that Musharraf’s
political career is coming to a rather
rapid halt. And the flailing of a drowning
man was seen yet again in the whole
“emergency institution in the
nation” game played out on August
8th, 2007. Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain
had started sending out feelers two
days prior, saying that there was a
provision for an emergency in the constitution
and everything that would be done would
be according to the constitution. Later
he said that the concept was being actively
considered because of the American threat
of attack, the murder of the Chinese
citizens and the Sharif brothers’
application in the Supreme Court to
return to Pakistan.
In supremely tense situations like the
Red Mosque scenario, or following it
when simultaneous suicide bombings were
occurring all over Pakistan no consideration
was given to emergency rule. When American
drones were flattening madrassahs no
peril was felt, nor was there any danger
when the Karachi massacre of May 12
occurred. But now, the babbling of a
presidential hopeful Barack Obama about
attacking Pakistan was considered threat
enough to consider the institution of
a state of emergency.
Musharraf’s political life will
remain forever etched with those long
distance phone calls from the American
Secretary of State. First the 3 a.m.
phone call from Colin Powell after 9/11
that asked the famous “are you
with us or against us” question
in which Musharraf lent instantaneous
allegiance. And this time the 17-minute
call from Condoleeza Rice, which clearly
froze the emergency dead in its tracks.
Even if America feels it is its prerogative
to use drones to attack Pakistan, apparently
Pakistan is not allowed to use that
threat as enough of a threat to institute
an emergency. See that is why the salute
of allegiance should not have been given
so quickly to Colin. Condi now has free
reign.
The modus operandi of the Musharraf
junta is to take an idea and send out
a couple of ministers with it, sense
the feedback and then decide on its
feasibility. Emergency rule, it appears,
did not fly with anyone - Pakistani
or American. Afterwards Musharraf in
serious self-righteousness stated that
there was no justification whatsoever
for emergency rule.
The meeting with Benazir Bhutto and
the flirtation with emergency rule are
all desperate attempts to hold on to
power, for she can legitimize his rule
and the institution of an emergency
can postpone elections for another year.
It is sad commentary that Pakistani
rulers never bow out gracefully, a’
la Tony Blair. They tend to get kicked
out or killed. With Musharraf the third
option is the Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court making his election bid null and
void. What is that Americanism about
paybacks?
It is one thing to crave power, also
known as the Kursi Syndrome. When one
graduates to the Messiah Complex, the
din of one’s delusion prevents
Musharraf from understanding what the
nation is all but screaming: you’ve
worn out you’re welcome.
(Mahjabeen Islam is a physician and
freelance columnist residing in Toledo
Ohio. Her email is mahjabeenislam@hotmail.com)
