May 25, 2007

Challenge & Response

During May 1857, 150 years ago, the great uprising against British colonial rule in the Subcontinent took place. Today, 150 years later, during May 2007, Pakistan is in the grip of an upheaval, which may morph into a broader resentment against the status quo.
Five hundred years ago, in his memoirs, the founder of the Mughal Empire, Babar, alluded to a weak moral culture in the Subcontinent. He wrote about the dual culture of flattery to one’s face, and stabbing behind one’s back.
An appalling lack of integrity and fairness flourishes, which shrinks optimism and hope. Sycophancy reaps rewards, while daring and honesty are penalized. The obsession with appearance (dikhava) – instead of doing the right thing – and the fixation with what others will say or think, produce over-compromise.
The moment may have arrived for a deeper self-questioning of prevailing norms and values. The threat, however, may come from one’s own immediate group, which may escape scrutiny – for example, generals, journalists, and judges, whose combined ethical failures are among the key causes behind many a crisis.
Far safer and easier it is to point the fingers of blame at others than to subject oneself and one’s own circle to searching self-examination. Confucius put it best: if you point a finger at someone, three fingers are pointing at you.
Many of the failures ascribed to governments may, in fact, be symptoms of deeper flaws embedded within culture and society. In a 60-year history, there are recurring patterns and themes, as well as underlying conditions, including, but not limited to, the following that have stymied Pakistan’s potential:
(1) Emphasis of form over substance. Because of heavy societal pressures on display and on keeping up appearances, the focus is more on the semblance of work (going through the motions of car-vye) rather than actually doing work of substance. Empty show becomes the norm. This is one reason why there are so many unproductive organizations and parties where the ranks of office-bearers outnumber the members.
(2) Rule of the Rich. The conventional notion of democracy in reality is farcical and devoid of democratic content. Under the garb of so-called democracy, there is very little meritocracy. The moneyed classes have a sense of permanent entitlement. Elections, in effect, are becoming auctions. The hijab of democracy has served as a legitimizing mechanism to preserve the monopoly of means and genes. The educated middle class is reduced to being a compliant workforce for dynastic rule and serves as a passive enabler of the status quo. It is this very “do number” democracy which continues to provide an entry point to despotic rule. Also, the venality and petty scheming of politicians open the doors to praetorian rule.
(3) 1-Man Manipulation. The entire system and institutions are often manipulated and custom-tailored for the convenience of one-man rule. Instead of bolstering belief in the Supremacy and Permanence of the 1 Sole Superpower, the state machinery is galvanized to uphold the worship of a temporary chair-occupier of the day, who is promoted as a Messiah. Then, too, the constant cake-cutting ceremonies celebrating the birthdays and anniversaries of party heads are more akin to the activity of a bakery than of a political party.
At the minimum, what therefore needs to be done? It has been said that peace comes in pieces. Some small steps suggested here may be more practical than grand sweeping gestures, to curb if not to cure:
~ No picture of any temporary inhabitant of power shall be placed alongside that of the Quaid. That should be written into law.
~ PTV news should not be used as an ego massage parlor for the rulers at the expense of coverage and creating awareness of the very human problems of the people.
~ Enactment and enforcement of strong conflict-of-interest laws are required, so that positions of public trust are not converted into a platform for private enrichment.
~ Re-thinking of direction and re-ordering of priorities is required, since the challenge is essentially moral. Continuing on the same course is no longer an option.
When is enough, enough? From his death cell, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto wrote that there comes a time in a nation’s life when people rise up and storm the Bastille.
The propensity of going from one jam into another continues unabated. Albert Einstein once said, you cannot do the same things over and over again, and expect to get different results.
If some of the basic defects are not identified and rectified, there will still be change, but it will be change without change. It will be merely a trading of places and a switch of power from one pair of hands to another.
A key positive point is the capacity and resilience of the people to endure hardship and suffering. However, there are only so many blows that the body politic of the nation can absorb.
The dream visualized by Iqbal and realized by the Quaid deserves better.