By Syed Arif Hussaini

February 23, 2007

Specter of War Haunting Iran

President Bush’s remarks during the White House press conference on February 14 that Iraq’s insurgents were receiving deadly armor-piercing explosives, roadside bombs, rocket-propelled grenades and other weapons from Iran was probably intended to shore up the administration’s war propaganda against Iran. He was evidently pointing out the rationale for military action against that country. Such action would be a “defensive” response to Iranian-backed attacks on US troops in Iraq.
The President, as Commander-in-Chief of US forces, can authorize such a response without first seeking the approval of the Congress.
The sophisticated weapons supplied to Shiite militants in Iraq by an elite branch (Quds Force) of Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps of Iran have been, according to the administration, responsible for killing recently at least 170 American soldiers and wounding more than 700.
The categorical statement of the President on Iranian involvement is a marked shift in his administration’s stance till a day earlier. Tony Snow, the White House Press Secretary had declared emphatically, “We are not going to war with Iran”. The President too had been reiterating his commitment to diplomatic measures. The official stance now does not exclude the resort to arms to stop the flow of Iranian weapons to the Iraqi militants.
The President is encouraged in taking such a firm stand by the equivocal attitude of the Democrats in the Congress. Their resolution against the dispatch of 21,500 additional troops to Iraq as authorized by the President, is not binding on the administration. It has thus no teeth. And, the Democrats do not seem averse to authorizing enhanced funds in the defense budget for the military operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere. They do make a lot of noise against the war but when it comes to brass tacks, they go along with the administration.
We have therefore to consider the likely course of US action on Iran in a broader perspective rather than from the partisan point of view.
The US-Iran relations have undergone several phases, from the warm and close contacts of the early cold war period which included the reinstallation of the monarch, Reza Shah, with overt and covert US support in 1953 after he had been dethroned and sent into exile by an elected revolutionary, Mussadeq. Firmer relations followed with both entering into the CENTO, a multinational defense pact.
Relations soured after the Shah of Iran was toppled by Ayatollah Khomenie and his clerics in a bloody coup. American diplomats were made hostage. An eight-year war between Iraq and Iran followed in which Iraq had the backing of the US. The Iranian leader labeled the US “the Great Satan” and the source of all evils in the world. Relations have continued to become more bitter and clouded by mutual suspicions.
The two states were temporarily nudged together by 9/11. Iran was apprehensive of the designs of Al Qaeda and viewed it as an emerging enemy of its Shiite beliefs and culture. Enemy’s enemy being your friend, the US antagonism to Al Qaeda drew friendly gestures from Iran.
Chill, however, re-entered the relations on President Bush declaring Iran as a component of the “axis of evil” in his State of the Union address of 2002.
The current Iranian President, Ahmadinejad, on the other hand, has dismissed the Holocaust as a hoax and has advocated the wiping off of Israel from the world map. This is an unforgivable sin from the point of view of US policy makers irrespective of their party or personal affiliations. Israel is regarded as an extension of the US territory in the Middle East. And, the high-achieving Jewish community in the US dominates almost all livers of financial, political and policy-making powers. The American Israel Political Action Committee (AIPAC) is the most influential and wealthy advocacy group in the US.
For an objective assessment of the shape of things to come, one has to keep the following points in sight.
* Bush administration is reported to have sent two battle carrier groups, replete with nukes, to the Persian Gulf, and a third is reportedly preparing to follow. Batteries of Patriot anti-missile systems are currently being installed in the Gulf States to defend US military assets and reassure allies against potential Iranian reprisal.
* Senior US officials have crisscrossed the Middle East in the past few weeks to consolidate an anti-Iranian alliance.
* Bush administration has dismissed out of hand the recommendations of the Iraq Study Group to hold negotiations with Iran and Syria.
* The President while announcing on January 10 his ‘surge’ in Iraq, accused Iran and Syria of arming and training anti-US insurgents in Iraq and declared that the American military would “seek out and destroy” such support networks.
* Moqtada al-Sadr, the anti-American cleric, head of the Mehdi Army, the powerful Shiite militia that is engaged in guerrilla war with US forces, is said to have moved to Iran, according to US sources.
* Israeli politicians and generals have warned of a “second Holocaust” if Iran is not prevented from acquiring nukes. At the same time Israel has threatened Iran with “severe steps” if it does not shut down its nuclear program.

* Congress has tied itself in knots over a non-binding resolution on Iraq. It cannot thus be expected to come out with a bold and binding stand against a war on Iran.
* An economic war against Iran has already been launched. The Treasury Department and various US agencies are pressuring foreign governments, major banks, oil corporations etc to cut off investment, loans and financial arrangements with Tehran. The UN Security Council last December placed some sanctions against Iran for pursuing its nuclear program. A US legislation, the Iran Sanction Act, provides for penalties against US or foreign companies investing in Iranian energy reserves. A $7 billion Iran-Pakistan-India gas pipeline project is being threatened by this Act.
* Iran’s economy depends almost entirely on oil sales. But, Iran’s production cost at $15-18 is far higher than Saudi Arabia’s $2-3 a barrel. If the Saudis increase production and cut the existing cost of oil by half, their revenue would still be sufficient to meet their budgetary requirements. Iran, on the other hand, would be financially ruined. The Saudis want to restrain the expansion of Iranian influence among the Shiites of Iraq and other Gulf states, while the US is seeking a regime change in Iran that would admit the US entry into the enormous energy sources of Iran. A confluence of the two interests looks quite likely.
arifhussaini@hotmail.com

 

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