By Syed Arif Hussaini

August 17, 2007

Reflections on Independence Day

The people of Pakistan at home and abroad will be celebrating Independence Day this year in an environ of uncertainty and apprehension: the rumors about the possibility of an Emergency being declared by the government were quashed, under external and internal pressure, only five days before the Independence Day. The tragic events of Lal Masjid followed by a spate of bomb blasts, and the extremists’ threats to maintain their acts of violence, rankle the hearts and minds of the people.
Yet, the unfolding scenario also holds the major development of the success of the highest court of the country to come out of the clutches of the establishment and reestablish its constitutional independence. That has strengthened the precept of accountability in a country ruled autocratically for years by men in uniform. Any law of necessity may no longer sabotage the groundswell of demands for civilian rule and unfettered general elections, hopefully.
Credit is also due to the current regime for stabilizing the economy that has been registering over 7% growth rate. But, the water and power shortages reflect badly on its developmental planning and accomplishment.
Independence Day makes one reflect on the genesis of Pakistan too. It is trite to mention, though absolutely true, that Pakistan came into existence because the Muslims were for centuries made to feel that they constituted a foreign graft on the Indian body that had rejected it. Post-independence Indian Muslims have generally reconciled to their status as second-class citizens.
The Brahmanic caste system did not admit of the acceptance of Muslims in a class other than the lowest, the menial, the untouchable and the ‘maleech’. Naturally this status was not acceptable to the Muslims who had ruled over India for centuries. Not surprisingly enough, when a Hindu converted to Islam, it meant his complete break from the past. He acquired a new name, a new personality, radiating confidence, grit and courage, and membership in a community adhering to the concept of brotherhood and equality of man. This set free the convert’s spirit from the bondage of the caste system, to labor and live well as an equal. This concept of the equality of man was the chief attraction in a society given to discrimination by birth.
Budhism, Jainism and Sikhism were all for the concept of equality and therefore opposed to the Brahmanic domination. But the shrewd Brahmanic elite maneuvered to absorb all of them into the Hindu fold. They failed to do that with the Muslims. And, they succeeded in remaining at the helm of affairs even after independence and despite the spread of secular Western education. That gives an idea of how deep-seated the caste system is in the Hindu society.
Let us now look at the problem from Hindu (Brahman) viewpoint. Waves after waves of Muslim armies invaded India and invariably defeated and subjugated the opposing Hindu forces. Ghaznavi invaded India seventeen times. Qutbuddin Aibak established the first proper Muslim empire, the Slave Dynasty, towards the end of the twelfth century. This was followed by another hundred year rule of the Khilji dynasty. Then came the Lodhis who were replaced in 1526 by Babur, a Moghul from Farghana in central Asia, who founded the Moghul Empire that lasted 331 years till the British took over the state in 1857.
Throughout these seven centuries of Muslim rule over India, the Muslims comprised between 15-20 per cent of the total population. Although the Moghuls adopted many Hindu customs, married into Hindu families and accommodated them in senior echelons of administration, there was never a true assimilation of the two communities and development of a composite culture. The Muslims continued to be the ruling, warrior class with a compatible, congruent status in Indian society.
The Hindus, smarting under the dominant position of the Muslims, always looked for a leveler, an equalizer. They saw the opportunity approaching them as the combined struggle of both communities for independence gathered momentum. Muslim intellectuals and leaders had started suspecting the designs of the Hindu Brahman leaders as far The idea of the two-nation theory had thus been germinating for a century or more before it was articulated by Sir Syed and his team and formally presented by Iqbal at Allahabad session of the Muslim League in 1930.
As Victor Hugo says, there are no armies as powerful as an idea whose time has come. Pakistan resolution of March 23, 1940 was the formal manifestation of that idea. Quaid-i-Azam led eminently the nation in pursuit of that idea. Had he not been there, some one else would have done the same job. The idea had taken roots.
When Gandhi, representing the Hindu community, agreed to the division of India and the creation of Pakistan, he called his acceptance “a Himalayan blunder”. A fanatic Hindu, Godse, shot him dead for that “blunder”.
The demolition of the Babri mosque has symbolized to the Hindu community a reversal of the process of Muslim conquests. The TV coverage of the episode, showed the excitement and passion with which the fanatics attacked the mosque and demolished it in no time. The same psyche was in operation when the Pakistani prisoners of 1971 war were taken by train to various parts of India to flaunt the victory over a Muslim army. And, the same instinct is behind the recent announcement that Kargil will be turned soon into a tourist attraction.
From the perspective of a student of the history of the subcontinent, Pakistan was inevitable, so was the split and creation of an independent Bangladesh which could not be swallowed up by India.
The people of Pakistan are made of excellent material. The system that is keeping them under the heel need must change. Give them freedom and education and see how they shine. May the Independence Day mark the beginning of the process of their independence from the oppressive heel!
Nahein mayoos Iqbal apni kisht-i-veran say
Zara num ho toe yeh matti bari zarkhez hai saqi.
(The writer may be reached by e-mail at: arifhussaini@hotmail.com or by phone at 714-280-1902)

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